From Reason to Revolution series Warfare 1721-1815 www.helion.co.uklpublished-by-helion/reason-to- revolution -1721-181S.html The 'From Reason to Revolution' series covers the period of military history 1721-1815, an era in which fortress-based strategy and linear battles gave way to the nation-in-arms and the beginnings of total war. This era saw the evolution and growth of light troops of all arms, and of increasingly flexible command systems to cope with the growing armies fielded by nations able to mobilise far greater proportions of their manpower than ever before. Many of these developments were fired by the great political upheavals of the era, with revolutions in America and France bringing about social change which in turn fed back into the military sphere as whole nations readied themselves for war. Only in the closing years of the period, as the reactionary powers began to regain the upper hand, did a military synthesis of the best of the old and the new become possible. The series will examine the military and naval history of the period in a greater degree of detail than has hitherto been attempted, and has a very wide brief, with the intention of covering all aspects from the battles, campaigns, logistics, and tactics, to the personalities, armies, uniforms, and equipment. Jenn Scott is a living historian, researcher, and writer based in Edinburgh where she works as Secretary and Archivist for the Stewart Society. She is primarily interested in the period from the Wars of the Roses to the Jacobite Risings, and is actively involved in the interpretation, promotion and protection of Scottish battlefields. She has spent 20 years developing her understanding and knowledge of the clothes and material culture of the past. Jenn studied politics at the University of Edinburgh and has an MA in Heritage from University of Surrey. Bruno Mugnai was born in Florence in 1962 and still lives there with Silvia, Chiara and Eugenio. Active for years as a historical researcher, writer and illustrator, he has published several titles for publishers such as the Historical Office of the Italian Army, Rivista Medicea and Soldiershop, concerning a number of periods and geographical areas of his interest, including the ancient Italian states, central and eastern Europe in 16th, 17th and 18th century, and South America after the Conquest. As an illustrator he has collaborated with important Italian and foreign specialists. Bruno is a Rugby Football Union enthusiast, who still believes in an Italian Grand Slam in the Six Nations Tournament. Submissions The publishers would be pleased to receive submissions for this series. Please contact series editor Andrew Bamford via email ([email protected]). or in writing to Helion & Company Limited, Unit 8 Amherst Business Centre, Budbrooke Road, Warwick, CV34 SWE Better is the Proud Plaid The Clothing, Weapons, and Accoutrements of the Jacobites in the /45 Jenn Scott Helion & Company Helion & Company Limited Unit 8 Amherst Business Centre Budbrooke Road Warwick CV345WE England Tel.0121 7053393 Fax 0121 711 4075 Email: [email protected] Website: www.helion.co.uk Twitter: @helionbooks Visit our blog at http)/blog.helion.co.uk/ Published by Helion & Company 2018 Designed and typeset by Mach 3 Solutions Ltd (www.mach3solutions.co.uk) Cover designed by Paul Hewitt, Battlefield Design (www.battlefield-design.co.uk) Printed by Henry Ling Limited, Dorchester Text © Jenn Scott 2018 Cover: 'The Jacobite Army enters Edinburgh; original artwork by Peter Dennis, © Helion & Company 2018 Uniform plates by Bruno Mugnai, © Helion & Company 2018; other images as credited Every reasonable effort has been made to trace copyright holders and to obtain their permission for the use of copyright material. The author and publisher apologise for any errors or omissions in this work, and would be grateful if notified of any corrections that should be incorporated in future reprints or editions of this book. ISBN 978-1-911628-16-3 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical. photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the express written consent of Helion & Company Limited. For details of other military history titles published by Helion & Company Limited, contact the above address, or visit our website: http)/www.helion.co.uk We always welcome receiving book proposals from prospective authors. For Frances Scott without whom none of this would have been possible or even likely iii Contents Introduction A Time Line of the 1745 Rising 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 The Highland Army? In Arms and Highland Dress: The Highland Division His Black Hat, Bordered and Cockaded: The Lowland Division Other Units in the Army Very Indifferently Armed Accoutrements An Assembly of Harlequins Stripped of Our Arms Notes on the Plates Bibliography vii ix 13 22 34 41 46 61 66 72 77 80 v Introduction The clothing, weapons and accoutrements of the Jacobites is a broad subject - I perhaps did not realise how broad when I decided to write this book initially - and of interest for several reasons. Firstly, because much of the material culture associated with the Jacobites is simply pleasing to look at. Although we sometimes like to think of them being untouched by the burgeoning consumer revolution that was happening in the 18th century, this is not true, and it shows in their things: some beautiful and some frankly a bit kitsch, but all help to shed light on them as people and their cause. The Jacobites were perhaps the first revolutionary movement which coincided with the beginnings of the commercial world as we know it. They consumed their politics in quite modern ways with badges, tartan dresses, and garters with mottoes, as well fighting across Scotland and England. Much of what they did had to be coded - it is impossible to advertise clearly a movement that intends the overthrow of the state until it steps forward to do just that. Secondly, because of what it tells us about the nature of the Highland Army and the people who fought and died for the Prince. Lastly, the way that the Jacobites presented themselves helped to shape our understanding of Scotland and what it means to be Scottish ever since. Throughout the book I have mostly tried to call anyone I refer to by their contemporary titles unless that makes it too confusing - there are quite a few people with very similar names. However, I made the deliberate decision to call the Jacobite claimant to the throne James VIII and III and his son Prince Charles Edward Stuart and not any other title. I have generally kept the original spelling in any quotations and put an English translation in brackets after any Gaelic or French. Any errors in translation are mine, as are all other errors. I have tried to do the same with items of clothing except where doing so would cause unnecessary. The two armies I have chosen to refer to as the Jacobite or 'Highland' Army and the British Army. I would like to thank my editor Andrew Bamford for his help and patience; the Stewart Society for their generosity in allowing me the use of their library; staff in the National Library of Scotland and National Museum of Scotland for their help; my mum, to whom this book is dedicated, and my daughter, Katherine, for their patience in listening to me talk about vii BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Jacobites and pretty much nothing else for six months; John Thompson (still no werewolves though sorry!) and Arran Johnston for their help, advice and encouragement while I have been writing this. Also Peter Dennis for his vivid cover illustration and Bruno Mungai for the pictures inside the book. Jenn Scott Edinburgh, July 2018 viii A Time Line of the 1745 Rising 1745 5 July 9 July 25 July 19 August 20 August 27 August 29 August 3 September 16 September 17 September 21 September 7 October Prince Charles Edward Stuart left Belle Isle and sailed for Scotland. A Sea fight between the ships LElisabeth and HMS Lion. The Prince landed at Loch nan Uamh, Arisaig on the west coast of Scotland. The Jacobite standard was raised at Glenfinnan, at the head of Loch Shiei. British Army forces marched north from Stirling to counter the southward march of the Jacobite army. The Appin Regiment commanded by Charles Stewart of Ardshiel, and the MacDonalds of Glencoe under Alexander Mac Don aid of Glencoe joined the Jacobite army at Aberchalder, at the North end of Loch Oich, bringing the total Jacobite strength up to some 2,000 men. This is probably the real beginning of the Jacobite army, at this point the army was still largely Highland in character something that would change over the course of the Risings. An unsuccessful attack by the Jacobites on the Government-held Ruthven Barracks. Jacobite Army in Perth. James VIII proclaimed as King by Prince Charles. Canter of Coltbrig where Jacobite forces routed British Army dragoons on the outskirts of Edinburgh. The Jacobite army captured Edinburgh but failed to take the Castle. Prince Charles Edward Stuart took up residence in Holyrood House. The Jacobite army was in and around Edinburgh. Sir John Cope and his army arrived by ship off Dunbar. The British Army under John Cope were surprised and defeated by the Jacobites in the Battle of Prestonpans. First French blockade runner unloaded 2,500 guns at Montrose. ix BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID 31 October 8 November 10-14 November 20 November 24 November 26 November 29 November 4 December 6 December 18 December 20 December 21-30 December 23 December 1746 7- 8 January 8-31 January 17 January 1 February 11 February 16 February 18 February 21 February 25 February 3-5 March 10-31 March 20 March 20 March-2 April 26 March 12 April 15 April 16 April x The Highland Army, which by this time had been joined by many recruits from the lowlands and the east coast of Scotland, marched south from Edinburgh with some hope of English Jacobites rising and more French support. The Jacobites crossed the Scottish Border and spent their first night on English soil. The Siege of Carlisle. The garrison surrendered to the Jacobites. The Jacobite Army moved south from Carlisle. First French troops landed at Montrose. Lord John Drummond and the Royal Ecossois landed at Montrose. The Jacobites entered Manchester. Highland Army entered Derby. The Prince and the Highland army retreated from Derby since there had been no wholesale rising of English Jacobites or further support from France. The skirmish at Clifton - the last battle on English soil. The Jacobites defeated the British army troops. The Jacobites crossed the border back to Scotland. Defence of Carlisle, Jacobite garrison surrendered. Jacobite victory at Inverurie, Aberdeenshire. The Siege of Stirling, the town surrendered to the Jacobites but the castle held out. The Siege of Stirling Castle. Jacobite victory at Falkirk Muir against the British Army led by General Hawley. The Jacobites retreated north. Ruthven Barracks surrendered to Glenbucket, Jacobite commander. The 'Rout of Moy'; a failed attempt to capture the Prince. Jacobites captured Inverness. A squadron of Fitzjames Cavalry landed in Aberdeen. A Picquet of Regiment Berwick landed at Peterhead. The Siege of Fort Augustus, the garrison surrendered. The Siege of Blair Castle. The skirmish at Keith. Unsuccessful Jacobite siege of Fort William. Picquet of Berwick's captured with £12,000 in gold. British army crossed River Spey, a rear guard action at Nairn. Cromartie's brigade was ambushed at Embo. The night march and unsuccessful attempt to attack the British camp. The Battle of Culloden. 20 April 14 May 18 June 18 August 20 September Jacobites, including Lord George Murray, fugitives from Culloden and whole parties who had missed the battle and met at Ruthven Barracks, dispersed on receiving a note from Prince Charles Edward Stuart 'Let every man seek his safety in the best way he can: The Prince and his companions reached Coradale, in South Uist, and stayed there for three weeks, until news arrived that British troops were closing in them. Flora MacDonald met Prince Charles Edward Stuart in Skye and persuaded him to wear women's clothes as part of an escape plan. Jacobite lords Kilmarnock and Balmerino were executed for treason on Tower Hill. To escape capture in Scotland, Prince Charles Edward Stuart sailed from Loch nan Uamh to safety in France aboard the I:Heureux. xi 1 The Highland Army? Eileadh's cocard, geal, A' marsal gun airstealle 'm Prionnsa; Le 'n claidhibh 's le 'n sgiathaibh, Air am breacadh gu ciatach, Le 'n dagachaibh iaruinn le 'n cuinnsear; s Mire-chatha'nan aodainn, Roinn, falluinn, us faobhar, Gu claignean a sgaoileadh us rumpuill. With plaid and white cockade Marching unwearied with the Prince With swords and with shields beautifully carved, With pistols of iron and daggers; Battle-lust in their visage, Swords, spears, mantles ready For splitting asunder of bodies I 'A popish Italian prince with the oddest crue Britain cowld produce came all with plaids, bagpips and bair buttocks, from the Prince to the bagage man: This vivid, if idiosyncratic description of the Jacobite army entering Edinburgh in 1745 wearing Highland dress written by Pat rick Crichton in the Woodhouslee MS is how the propaganda at the time portrayed them and subsequently the way that they have come to be seen. A tartan clad, anachronistic Highland army fighting for an unavoidably doomed Jacobite cause. Anti-Jacobite propaganda in the 1740s depicted Scots and Jacobites as poorly dressed, unable even to work out how to use the toilet, and liceridden ready to attack peaceful England at the drop of a hat. l Many 20th and 2lst century depictions differ little from this. They frequently portray illdisciplined, hairy Jacobites, who are all Highlanders, wearing mud coloured tartan in their filthy shirt sleeves during a winter campaign, and, if armed at Bm.mac/ladh Eile Do Na Gaidhei/- Alexander MacDonald. See G. Pentland. "'We Speak for the Ready": Images of Scots in Political Prints, 1707-1832'. The Scottish Historical Rel·iell". Volume Xc. I: No. 229: 2011,64-95, M. Piltock. The Myth of (he Highland Clans, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 2015). p.37. 13 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Sawney in the Boghouse (1745) Sawney was a generic nickname for a Scotsman. This print from 1745 produced as anti-Jacobite propaganda shows a filthy, hairy Highland soldier in a plaid straddling a seat in a public out-house, with one leg down each hole. The message being that the Jacobites and, by implication, the Scots were so far from civilisation that they could not even use a toilet. (An ne SK Brown Military Collection) all, carrying only swords and Lochaber axes. It is though, the clothing of the Stuart army, particularly the tartan, which has caused the tenacious idea that all Jacobites were Scottish and more specifically Highlanders. 3 Lord President Forbes in 1746 wrote that the Highlands were 'that large Tract of Mountainous Ground, to the Northwards of the Forth, and the Tay, where the Natives speak the Irish Language',~ he therefore, missed out large areas ofland in this description where a considerable proportion of the army, at least post -Prestonpans, was in fact drawn from. This definitely challenges the case for the Jacobite Army being a Highland one since recent research has identified much of the active support for the Jacobites in Scotland as coming from areas such as Perthshire, Aberdeenshire, and Moray: men from these parts of Scotland would not have identified themselves as Highlanders, Many of these men were also non-juring Episcopalians (men who had not taken an 3 4 14 A. Quye. & H. Cheape. 'Rediscovering the Arisaid', Costllme. 42: 1,2013, pp.I-20. From a memorandum written in 1746 quoted in Pittock, Myth p.38. THE HIGHLAND ARMY? oath of loyalty to the King) rather than Catholics; however, that did not tick the contemporary propaganda boxes as well as Catholicism which had since the beginning of the 17th century been considered to be the enemy within. The number of men in the Jacobite Army which left Edinburgh in October for England was estimated by contemporary observers at approximately 5,000 men of whom under half were clansmen, and the numbers and proportion of lowland troops would increase during the campaign. In October 1745, Commissary Bissett wrote that 'Of the above number of 5000 rebells I compute two thirds to be real highlanders and one third lowlanders, altho' they are putting themselves in highland dress like the others'.s Eventually, though, there were approximately twice this number under arms. Despite the reality of where the men for the Jacobite Army came from, the Jacobite force was regularly described in even in their own despatches as a 'Highland Army' and it is as such that they are still remembered for the most part in popular memory. So, although not all of the men in the Highland army were Highlanders, nor did they all speak Gaelic or live in the Highlands, many of them wore Highland clothes during the campaign or had at least adopted some aspects of Highland dress. The use of what we (and they) would see as Highland imagery and the idea of the Highlander as the true patriot, or rebel depending on the observer, began as early as the 1680s with the first Jacobite Risings - as early as 1689, Lowlanders such as 'Mr Drummond, the advocate' attached to Dundee's army wore the 'Highland habit' - but its apogee was reached in the '45. It is this that has led people to assume that the army was 'Highland' and after the Rising this meant that the burden of punishment fell more heavily on the Highlands than elsewhere when in fact support for the Jacobites was spread throughout Scotland. When Lord Lewis Gordon imposed a tax or cess on Aberdeen, he stated that able bodied men with sufficient 'Highland clothes, plaid and arms' for King James's army would be accepted in lieu of the money.6 Alexander Mac Don aid described the Jacobites' flowing tartan plaid (breacan-an jheilidh an cuaich) in contrast to the soldiers in the British army with their 'cota grand'de 'n mhadur ruadhlAd bhileach dhubh us cocard innt'ISgoiltear i mar chal me 'n cluais' [ugly coat of red/ his black hat, bordered and cockaded/Split like a cabbage round his ears).; Charles Edward Stuart and his commanders were perfectly aware that in fact they had men in their army from all over Scotland as well as some from Ireland, France, and England; they were using the easily identifiable image and clothing of the Highlands to create an identity and a uniform for an army that had neither. Although they used the image of the Highlander to clothe a large part of the army, the army itself was not very Highland in character particularly after Prestonpans. It was in many ways a conventional European 6 7 Commissary Bissell to Duke William. dated 31 October 1745. in J. Stewart-Murray. Duke of Alholl. Chronicles o/the Atholl and Tullibardine Families (Edinburgh: Ballantyne Press, 1908). VoUl1. p.48. 1. Ray. A Compleat History of the Rebellion/rom itsjirst rise in 1745. to its total suppression at the glorious Bailie o/Culloden, in April 1746 (Manchester: J Jackson. 1749), p.202. Oran Do 'n phrionnsa - Alexander MacDonald. 15 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID 18th century army with horse, foot, guns, and a staff - much like the army it was fighting, in fact. It was during the latter part of the 17th century, that the idea of tartan, and Highland dress - the Highland short coat (cOt). The short coat was worn over a belted plaid without restricting the use of the upper part of the plaid, the plaid and trews, as well the knitted blue bonnet - began to be specifically associated with the Stuart cause. By the 1715 Rising, many of the men in the Jacobite army were dressed in what were called Highland clothes by observers, most likely a plaid and a blue bonnet, regardless of their place of origin. For example, James Murray had two bonnets, plaids and trews in his luggage lodged at Aberdeen in 1715. The Earl of Mar's army at Perth in October 1715 was described as 'betwixt 3 and 4,000 foot all in Highland cloaths tho' mostly Lowland men'.8 It is likely that James himself wore Highland dress whilst in Scotland during this campaign however this is not depicted contemporaneously. At the same time, all Scots began to be stereotyped in English popular culture as tartan wearers. By the time of the 1745 Rising, tartan had become symbolic of the Highlands, Gaelic culture and, certainly to those south of the border, all ofScotland. 9 Tartan was not, in the mid -18th century, a recognisable symbol of clan or local associations although it does appear that some patterns were more common in specific areas. It was a cloth commonly made from a long wool worsted yarn in a 2/2 twill. A 2/2 twill has two warp threads - these are threads which are stretched longwise on a loom, crossing the two weft threads which are woven horizontally through the warp this then which forms a diagonal pattern. The tartan was of often quite bright, frequently red, with distinctive checks. Tartans were worn mixed and matched in the same outfit e.g. the coat in one pattern, the plain or trews in another and so on, to suit the taste of the wearer, their budget, and, in certain instances, their political allegiance. Several portraits exist from this time that appear to show that some members of lowland elite had adopted tartan as a mark of their politics. By the 1770s the weavers Wilsons of Bannockburn were offering tartan in different weights, and there is some evidence of this even in the' 45, the act of Proscription includes a reference to 'stuff' being used for pi aiding stuff was in the words of Or Johnson's dictionary 'thinner and flightier'. 'Stuff' was used quite frequently for cheaper plaids and blankets. 10 The government engineer, Edmund Burt, in his Letters from a Gentleman in the North written in the 1730s, describes Highlanders wearing their plaids as a cloak but he also said that many people elsewhere in Britain believed that wearing a plaid allowed Highlanders to steal and thieve. A similar opinion to that held by the Reverend Morer in 1692 when he said that the Highlanders used their plaids to cover stolen booty. It was presumably this sort of attitude that made some of the Highland gentry in the early to mid-18th century 8 Pittock. Myth pp.39-40. 9 See Pentland. "'We Speak for the Ready"', pp.64-95. 10 V. Coltman, 'Party-Coloured Plaid? Portraits of Eighteenth-Century Scots in Tartan', Textile History. 41 :2, 2013, pp.182-216, R. Nicholson, 'From Ramsay's Flora MacDollaldto Raebum's MacNab: The Use of Tartan as a Symbol of Identity'. Textile History. 36:2. 2013. pp.146-167. 16 THE HIGHLAND ARMY? reluctant to wear Highland clothes, preferring the Lowland norms of dress when not at home: for the gentry in Scotland this meant much like elite clothes in England. Household accounts show that many men had both 'lowland' clothes - sombre coloured stockings, breeches, long coats and waistcoats, fine lace, wigs, and tricorns or cocked hats as they were called at the time - as well the brightly coloured plaid and trews of the Highland elite. The knitted wool bonnet - often but not always blue, worn flat on the head and tartan were worn by non-elite men throughout Scotland. There was also a smaller plaid worn by many in the Lowlands, frequently of duller colours, but not as a belted plaid. Scott describes it in one of his letters later as: Maud or Low Country plaid. It is a long piece of cloth about a yard wide wrap'd loosely round the waist like a scarf and from thence brought across the breast and the end thrown over the left shoulder where it hangs loose something like a Spanish Cloak. It is not of Tartan but of the natural colour of the wool with a very small black check which gives it a greyish look'd. 11 Highland dress within Gaelic culture at this time was seen as a mark ofloyalty to traditional values along with which often went an adherence to the Stuart monarchy. Burt describes witnessing the women of a clan take great offense upon seeing one of their local gentry going about dressed in a Lowland-style outfit. Burt describes his conversation with the Highland gentleman about the incident in this way: 'I asked him wherein he had offended them? Upon this Question he laughed and told me [... ] that their Reproach was, that he could not be contented with the Garb of his Ancestors, but was degenerated into a Lowlander, and condescended to follow their unmanly Fashions: 12 However the Highlands were not in fact full of warriors armed to the teeth waiting for the opportunity to fight for the House ofStuart. The disarming of the Highlands after the previous Risings had been reasonably effective and so it would be wrong to imagine that every highlander particularly the ordinary ones had access to many arms. Although many elite men did retain arms and as Margaret MacDonald wrote when Prince Charles Edward Stuart came to Scotland in 1745 'Gach diuc is baran lA' caitheamh an fleilidhl Le sgeith 's le claidheamh (Each duke and baron/Were parading in a plaid/With shield and broadsword]Y It must be said that although the adoption of Highland clothing by many people, especially after the Act of Union in 1707, in the 1715 Rising, and during and after the '45 was an explicitly political act, particularly by Lowlanders and English Jacobites like Sir John Hynde-Cotton from Cambridgeshire whose splendid brightly coloured suit of tartan trews and jacket can now be seen in the National Museum of Scotland in Edinburgh. Many, in fact most, Highlanders had always worn Highland clothes and tartan and until joining the Jacobite army did not do so as any kind of political W. Panington. (ed.) The Pril'Ole Le/ler hook of Sir WaIler Sco/l (London: Hodder & Stoughton. 1930). p.379. 12 E. Bun,. Le/lersjinm Ihe Norlh oflhe Scolland (Edinburgh: Birlinn, 1998), pp.191-192. 13 An I-Eideadh Gaidhelllach - Margaret Campbell. 11 17 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID statement, particularly since some of the men were not in the Highland army of their own volition and had instead been forced out as part of a feudal levy or were paid to come out instead of someone else, so called 'county' men. Most of the army, except for the troops in French service and the soldiers who had deserted from the British Army, wore some tartan and many of them wore Highland clothes. Indeed, even some of the French officers seem have rejected the red coats of their Irish Brigade regiments and adopted the Highland habit as it was safer than the red coats of their regiments since they were too much like the uniforms of the British army and led to the other Jacobites trying to attack them. Looking at the extant portraiture of Highlanders and others in Highland dress in the late-17th and early- to mid-18th centuries shows a few things; firstly, that the wearing of mixed tartans was the custom in the period preceding the 1745 Rising; secondly, that there is no discernible evidence of clan tartans - there are some tartans from the period that have subsequently become identified with a clan but these do not seem to have been so at the time and the setts of all the tartans portrayed are different to those of modern tartans, often but not exclusively larger. None of the contemporary Gaelic poetry mentions clan tartans and none of the accounts of the Rising written at the time describe the tartan clad army - who, of course, were not all clansmen in any case - as being dressed in a way that showed their clan allegiance. An advert in the Edinburgh Gazette in 1745 offered tartans in assorted colours, not clans or names. Finally, many of names and associations that we now have for specific setts arise from the codification of patterns that took place post the repeal of the Disarming Act in 1783.1~ In 1740, the Duke of Perth gave Prince Charles Edward Stuart and his brother Henry two sets of Highland dress. It was really this gift that begins the Prince's public association with tartan and Scottish symbolism. Jacobite propaganda from before this date was more likely to emphasise the British nature of the Stuarts which became more important the longer they remained in exile. Charles' father, James, was always depicted as a conventional European monarch, sometimes wearing the Order of the Thistle if a picture were intended for Scottish audience, but there was no hint of tartan or Highland dress. In contrast, in 1741, Charles was seen wearing the Highland dress, 'a Scotch Highlanders habit with a bonnet, target and broadsword', to a Carnival ball in Rome. The Prince was also given by the Duke of Perth 'une paire de beaux pistoles, ornee de flames dor, un poignard et un bouclier a la Montagnard' [a beautiful pair of pistols, decorated with gilded flames, a dagger, and a Highland shieldlY The gifts were intended as more than dressing up clothes or make believe, the intention was to present Charles as one of 'those who have right to wear that kind of garb: So these clothes were 14 B. Seton. "Dress of the Jacobite Anny: The Highland Habit'. The Scollish Historical Rel·iell'. Vo!. 25, No. I ~O, 1928, pp.270-28I. 15 D, Forsyth, (ed.), Bonnie Prince Charlie and the Jacobite.I', (Glasgow: National Museum of Scotland. 2017), pp.81 & 97. 18 THE HIGHLAND ARMY? those of a Highland chief - trews, an embroidered short coat and waistcoat and a plaid - intended to present Charles as the chief of chiefs.16 In 1745, Charles wore tartan and Highland dress on many occasions during the campaign, by which time it was so strongly associated with him that anti-Jacobite prints produced in London used it as shorthand for identifying him and his followers. It is ironic that the first images of Prince Charles Edward Stuart in tartan were done by those whom he was fighting. In Edinburgh, the engraver Richard Cooper made a print of Charles based on a figure from a print depicting four of the Highlanders punished during the mutiny of the Black Watch in 1743. In 18th century poetry and song, the Highland laddie with a blue bonnet and belted plaid was often used to embody the virtues of bravery and loyalty, it seems unlikely that the Prince was unaware of this idea, given that much of his dress whilst in Scotland played to it. The bonniest lad that eer I saw, Bonny laddie, highland laddie Wore a plaid and fu' braw On his head a bonnet blue His royal heart was firm and true" A contemporary observer, Andrew Henderson, describes Charles as being 'clad as an ordinary Captain in a coarse Plaid and blue Bonnet, his boots and knees were much fouled'. IS When the Prince arrived at Perth he entered the town on a captured horse wearing a suit of tartan trimmed with gold lace. By Edinburgh, he had a short coat of tartan, a blue sash with gold, red small clothes (that is to say breeches and a waistcoat), a blue velvet bonnet trimmed with gold lace, a pair of military boots, and a white satin cockade. Andrew Henderson says that his hair was red but that he wore a 'pale Peruke'. Charles wore the same outfit to enter Carlisle in November 1745 and during the entry to Manchester. However, interestingly, he chose to be painted by Allan Ramsay while in Scotland not in Highland dress but wearing a lilac velvet coat with silver lace (although it is possible that the coat was originally purple or red, and the colour seen in Ramsay's portrait has faded}and a gold waistcoat, wearing the Garter Star and a fashionable white wig. 19 There is, however a description of him in October 1746 at public reception by Louis XV where he wore a rose-coloured velvet coat and a gold brocade waistcoat which sounds remarkably similar. There is no evidence that the Prince wore a kilt or a belted plaid by itself before he was on the run after Culloden, so during the greater part of his time in Scotland he wore trews, a short coat, and sometimes a plaid as did many 16 R. Nicholson. Bonnie Prince Charlie and the Making 0/a Myth (London: Associated University Press. 2002). p.13 7. 17 W. Donaldson. The Jacohite Song (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press. 1988). p.61. 18 Quoted in J. Riding. Jacohites A New History 0/ the '45 Rehellion. (London: Bloomsbury 2016). p.158. 19 Forsyth, (ed). Bonnie Prince. p.130. 19 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID of his officers. Before Prestonpans he is described as being clothed in a plain Highland Habit and blue bonnet. However, after Culloden he is described by Hugh MacDonald of Baleshare as wearing 'a tartan short coat & vest of the same, got from Lady Clanranald, a short kilt, tartan hose and Highland brogues: This was presumably so that he fitted in with the common people of the area who would not be wearing trews. However, Charles was careful not to appear dressed in Highland clothes all the time, clearly aiming to appeal to the broadest of the public who were after all his potential subjects, presumably why had himself painted as a European Prince rather than a purely Scottish one while in Edinburgh by Ramsay. In Edinburgh, he was seen abroad in a blue grogam (mixed woolsilk fabric) coat trimmed with gold lace, a red waistcoat and breeches - in fact very much like his own lifeguard in their blue coats with red cuffs which are likely to have been provided by the French since there is no evidence that they were made up in Edinburgh or elsewhere. He, like many others with his army, wore a cocked hat with a white cockade, although its gold lace trimming was less common. He also wore the Garter Star as he was wearing lowland clothes, whereas he wore the Order of the Thistle with Highland clothes, and a sword with a silver basket hilt, probably the one he had been given by the Duke of Perth in 1740. 20 Tartan accessories for Jacobite sympathisers became more common around this time: ladies with Jacobite leanings dressed in tartan riding habits, men and women wore Jacobite garters with mottos embroidered on such as 'our Prince is brave'; bed hangings, curtains, shoes, and various other items were all made from tartan. Some items which sound remarkably like some of the more kitsch offerings from the souvenir shops on Princes Street now were already in evidence: for example, Archibald Stew art, Lord Provost of Edinburgh, supposedly gave Charles a snuffbox with a tartan clad man on it (Charles Edward's own snuff box had a picture of his great grandfather, Charles I - perhaps appropriately the last Scottish-born Stuart); a Jacobite recruiter wore tartan ribbons and needle cases, patch-boxes, and pincushions were produced with Jacobite mottos. 21 The English Jacobite regiment raised to support the Prince in the north west, the Manchester Regiment, appeared on parade with 'each officer ... in a plaid waistcoat and a white cockade; furthermore, Colonel Townley, as commanding officer in a tartan sash lined with white silk'.22 The Prince's Lifeguard wore tartan belts. In other words, tartan was a uniform or livery as well as an expression of identity. Tartan was certainly seen as a uniform rather than traditional or national dress when it came to the gathering of evidence after the '45, when numerous prisoners were described as dressed in tartan clothes or Highland dress and this was accepted as proof of being part of the Jacobite or Highland army. The 20 H. Tayler (cd.), A Jacobite Miscellany: Eight original papers on the Rising 0/"/745-46 (Oxford: The Roxburghe Club. 1948). p.37. 21 M. Pittock. Material Culture and Sedition. 161i1i-/761i: Treacherous Objects, Secret Places. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2013) p.87. 22 Piltock. Myth. p.41. 20 THE HIGHLAND ARMY? evidence given by Alexander Law, a Brechin innkeeper, at Whitehall in August 1746, stated, for example, that James Lindsay 'wore Cloaths' and that 'Buchannan was dress'd at that time in Highland Habit: Menzies, a merchant in Perth, recalled that he observed John Dow and Kempie, servants to Lords Nairn and Gask, respectively, 'attending their Masters Kempie wearing a white Cockade and done in Highland habit but did not see any of them bearing Arms'. John Crichton, assistant to gardener John Kennedy in Drummond and imprisoned in Perth Tolbooth by July 1746, was sworn against by his fellow servant gardener Ann McGrigor. Although she never saw him take up arms she stated that she had noticed that he was dressed in Highland clothing and taking orders from a rebel officer. Henry Cheap was known by four witnesses in Perth to have been paid twelve crowns for freely joining, some of which he used to purchase 'a Highland habit' as part of his uniform. Lord Balmerino tragically took this to its logical extreme when he was executed at Tower Hill wearing a tartan blindfold. 23 Ivory Jacobite Snuff mill probably French circa 1715. An armed highlander wearing· a very voluminous linen shirt, short coat, plaid (with pleats all the way round), targe, claymore half way out of his sheath, dirk and pistol In reality it is likely that he would also have had a musket. (National Museums Scotland) 23 Perth & Kinross archives B59/30172;W. Wilkinson. A compleat history of the trials of the rebel lords in Westminster-Hall: and the rebel officers and others concerned in the rebellion in the year 1745. lit St. Margaret :5-HiII, SOllth,,'ark. and at Carlisle and York (London: Printed for the compiler. I 746). p.3. 21 2 In Arms and Highland Dress: The Highland Division Is maith thig boineid ghorm air chUl borb an cogadh, C6ta gearr us feileadh us na sleisdean nochdte, Dhol an ldthair cruadaii gu fuilteach, nimheil, buailteach, A liodairt nsm fear ruadha, bhiodh an smuais 'ga fosgladh; Neart treun nan curaidh, cur nan lann gu fulang, Ilhiodh luchd nan cesag millte us an cinn a dhith am muineal. Us gum bi aireamh cheann air a h-uile ball 'sa bhreaca Splendid's the blue bonnet o'er wild locks in war-time The short coat and the kilt, leaving the thighs naked Going into battle, wounding, striking, rending, Cutting down the red-coats, scattering their marrow; The mighty strength of the heroes, putting swords unto their testing Would Lowlanders destroy, leave their heads their necks a-lacking For each check in their tartan a foe's head shall be severed. l Highland Division of Prince Charles Edward Stuart & Lord George Murray • • • Camerons of Lochiel Chisholms of Strathglass Earl of Cromartie's Regiment Frasers of Lovat Gordons of Glenbucket MacDonnells of Barrisdale MacDonells of Glengarry MacDonnells of Keppoch MacDonalds of Clanranald MacDonalds of Glencoe Macleods of Raasay Orall all aglwidh (/11 eididh ghallda - John MacCodrum. 22 IN ARMS AND HIGHLAND DRESS: THE HIGHLAND DIVISION MacGregors Lady Mackintosh's Maclachans Mackinnons Cluny's MacPhersons Appin Regiment The majority of the Highland troops of the Jacobite army were dressed very much like their counterparts in the Independent Highland companies who were fighting on the Government side, in a plaid, coat, waistcoat, and short hose. Pittock describes the 'highland clan' forces as regional light infantry militia. 2 The decision to use tartan as a uniform for the Jacobite army was an attempt to harness the warrior reputation of the Highlanders as well as giving an identity to the army, so much so that witness statements afterward often describe those who took part as 'being in arms and Highland dress' as one of the key ways of identifying them as having joined the Jacobite army. Essentially tartan and Highland dress allowed the creation of a collective identity for the army; to this end some of the Jacobite commanders who had raised a regiment also bought plaids and other clothing to outfit their men. The tartan that they wore was in a variety of different setts and they often wore several different patterns at the same time as we can see in the portraiture of the time including perhaps the most famous picture of the Highland Army 'An Incident in the Rebellion of 1745' by Morier - although this was not painted during the Rising but in the 1750s - where no fewer than 22 different tartans are worn by the 'Highlanders' depicted.) There was in fact no serious attempt to record and notate setts in published form until the 19th century although Martin Martin in his description of Scotland at the beginning of the 18th century described what he called pattern sticks on which were wound different coloured threads which followed the sequence to be woven and so acted as a sort of visual aide-memoire. However, the evidence for them beyond this mention is doubtful. Looking at the development of the patterns over time it seems most likely that patterns were simply passed on from weaver to weaver, possibly travelling along popular trade routes. The width of cloth produced by the looms available was between 26 and 30 inches and so in order to make the belted plaid two widths were sewn together. Plaid was made from worsted, that is a cloth that has been spun from yarn that has been combed rather than carded so all the fibres run in the same direction. The finished plaiding was sold in a special ell that was approximately 38.4 inches so two thumbs breadths over the normal Scottish ell of 37 inches to allow for shrinkage. Duncan Ban Macintyre in his angry and bitter 'Song to the Breeks' composed about the Disarming Act called the tartans that the Jacobite supporters wore scarlet using the phrase, Gheibhte breacan charnaidl'S bhiodh aird air na gunnachan. [Scarlet tartans would be got/And the guns would be taken up]. Cheape says that that gheibhte breacan [scarlet tartans] was a standard phrase so common was the idea that tartan was red. A 2 M. Pittock. Great Bailie.' Cul/oden (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2016). p.37. See Pittock. Mrth. p.16. for a discussion of this painting. 23 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID 'Man with rifle [sic musket] and man with bagpipe'(1742l.ln Scotland, pipers and other musicians played an important part in Jacobite life since through music they were able to suggest words that could not be said out loud since they were treasonous. Musicians, such as the town piper of Arbroath, John Sinclair, who became the piper for the Ogilvy Regiment in 1745 and Aberdonian fiddler John Shaw who was imprisoned, took part directly in the Rising. (Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection) contemporary waulking song describes the cloth as Daithte ruadh, air thuar na fala [Scarlet-tinted with blood's colour). It is, therefore, not an accident that most of the surviving portraits with Highland dress from before the 1745 Rising display a range of red tartans as do many of the extant pieces of fabric that are scattered about the museums. private collections and stately houses of Scotland. There has been a tendency to assume that only home-grown dyes were used in Highland dress and that these 'native dyes' must have consisted of materials immediately available to hand. leading to the idea that real and authentic tartans had more muted and paler colours. This assumption of course is partly fuelled by the actually faded colours of extant pieces which have been exposed to sunlight or otherwise damaged in some way. However. this romantic idea is directly contradicted by the evidence. When dyes like indigo and the insect derived cochineal, which gave the bright blues and reds so commonly seen in 18th century tartans. began to be more available throughout Europe in the latter part of the 17th century. the Highlanders like the rest of Scotland got them as soon as everybody else. The Import Book of Dumfries records a Scots ship returning from the Netherlands in 1688/9 carrying woad. galls. madder. alum. copperas (these last two 24 IN ARMS AND HIGHLAND DRESS: THE HIGHLAND DIVISION are mordants which fix the dye), and brazilwood. By the end of the 17th century manufacturers in Haddington in East Lothian, near Edinburgh, were importing quantities of dyes such as madder, woad - both of which could of course be grown be in Scotland just not as well, sumac (native to southern Europe and used widely to dye leather) and galls, as well as a variety of mordants. 4 The poet Margaret Campbell even attacked the proscription of Highland dress after Culloden on the prosaic grounds that it would weaken trade by reducing the amount of dyes bought by highlanders:'Tha call aig an righ ann Mas fhiach mo bharail: Tha 'n cusmann a dhith air Gun phris air dathan, Marsantan na rioghachd A' caoidh gun aran. [The king will be the loser here / In my opinion: / If there is no demand for dyestuffs / He forfeits customs, / The merchants of the land lamenting / For the lack of taxes J. There was plenty of trade to the ports up and down the west coast of Scotland or into Inverness and Montrose. The Inverness merchant Baillie John Steuart brought indigo into the Highlands as well as other dyes and the mordants used to fix the dyes in the years before the Rising. By the 17th century the kind ofluxury items that Baillie Steuart made his living bringing into Inverness were in the Western Isles: in 1684 indigo, cochineal, tobacco, and spices such as mace, cinnamon, nutmeg, were found in the houses of tacksmen. Indigo is said to have reached St. Kilda by 1700. Chemical analysis carried out in recent years on many of the extant plaids and fragments of cloth from the period has confirmed that the reds and blues found in the mid-18th century tartans, were indeed, from the imported dyes of cochineal and indigo as well as bright yellow from old fustic and quercitron bar. Red was a significant colour within Gaelic culture, so a bright red was important, hence the frequent description of tartan as scarlet, and, it appears, the use of cochineal in preference to madder or any local dye which might have given a red. Native dyes appear to have been used sometimes to provide greens and yellows, colours that did not hold the same importance within Gaelic culture. There were no artificial dyes until the 1860s however these imported dyes produced vivid colours, so the Highlanders and those dressed in Highland dress in the Jacobite army would, for the most part, have been a bright and colourful lot in direct contrast with those dressed in a more sombre 'lowland' fashion although the quality of the fabric and the brightness of the dyes like many other items of dress would be dictated by social class - the richer the person, the brighter the colours. 5 It has been customary to think about the Highlander as blending into his landscape in greens and browns, but this simply was not the case for most. There is no evidence of clan tartans in the sense of one specific pattern being the preserve of a clan - as the identifier of a chief, those of his name, and their adherents at this time despite the claims of later writers such as 4 1. Bumett, K. Mercer, and A Quye, 'The Practice of Dyeing Wool in Scotland c. 179O---c.1840', Folk Life, 42: 1,2003, pp.7-31, H Cheape,. 'Gheibte Breacain Chamaid ('Scarlet Tartans would be got ... '): The re-invention of Tradition', in I. Brown (ed.), From Tartan /0 Tartanry: Seol/ish Culture. His/ory and (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 20 I 0), pp.13-31. A. Quye, H., Cheape, J. Bumett, E. Ferreir., A. Hulme & H. McNab, 'An Historical and Analytical study of Red, Pink, Green and Yellow Colours in Quality 18th and Early 19th Century Scottish Tartans', Dyes in His/ory & Archaeology, 19:2003, pp. 1-12. 25 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Stewart of Garth. Family and clan members often wore similar patterns if for no other reason than the local weaver would only have had so many patterns known to them so the only variation in those options would be if they were able to send to Glasgow or Edinburgh for cloth. Sending away for cloth was not available as an option to the ordinary man living in the Highlands until the commercial weavers Wilsons of Bannockburn began sending salesmen into the Highlands in the later 1700s. Therefore, groups of people who lived geographically close would tend to wear the same tartans or at least similar patterns. Of course, many of the officers and others in the Jacobites army were not Highlanders although dressed in highland dress so, unless they already owned highland dress, they would have bought tartan from cloth merchants such as the one who advertised tartans in various colours in 1745 in the Edinburgh Gazette. Therefore, unless buying a particular pattern, such as it appears the officers of Ogilvy's Regiment did, they would have been able buy whatever sett and colour took their fancy. The men of the some of the clan regiments had plaids provided for them, and more were bought during the campaign, therefore it is likely that the common soldiers in a given Highland regiment would have been wearing plaids or coats of the same or similar tartan. The officers, at least of the Ogilvy Regiment, for example, seem to have bought the same tartan, not because it was a clan tartan but because it was used as a livery or uniform. Even before the '45 there are a few instances of a tartan being used much like this: the Laird of Grant in 1704 ordered tartan for some of his men, however he did not specify that it should be the 'Grant' tartan just that it should be red or green, and it is possible MacDonalds may have fought at Killiecrankie in tartan livery. The basic item was the plaid (feilidh-mor or breacan-an-feileadh which is literally great wrap or tartan wrap), a rectangle of cloth, usually of wool, and frequently, but not always, woven with a tartan pattern. This was a multiuse garment, capable of serving as an enveloping outer garment by day and a blanket by night; additional to its use as a cloak, the lower part could be belted round the waist in pleats. Many of the common Jacobite soldiers wore a plaid which was put on in a distinctive way. A belt was laid down and on top of it a plaid was placed which was two lengths of cloth approximately 26 to 30 inches (66-76.2cm) wide sewn together. Length was about 5 yards long (4.5m) although lengths of up 9 yards (8.2m) are given by some and one Gaelic poet mentions plaids of 10 yards but that would seem to be the length before being sewn up rather than the finished length. The plaid was folded lengthwise into rough pleats, not the beautiful, neat pleats of the modern kilt. There is some evidence that some later plaids may have had internal loops and a drawstring sewn into them; however, since this would have reduced the versatility of the garment, it seems unlikely that all would have done this or indeed, any in 1745. It may have well been that men during the highland revival of early 19th century did this as they were less used to wearing the plaid on a regular basis and it is from that period that comes the only extant example that looks like it may have loops. There are no accounts or evidence on any extant plaids from the time of the 1745 Rising to suggest that most did anything other than arrange the pleats on the belt and either lie down onto 26 IN ARMS AND HIGHLAND DRESS: THE HIGHLAND DIVISION the plaid, fold the material on either side over themselves or had a servant (many of the men did have servants, even the common soldiers) to do this for him and then pulled the belt tight. It was in fact perfectly possible to take the plaid off and leave it folded on the belt thus avoiding the necessity to re-arrange every day: on campaign many soldiers simply slept in them. As Alexander MacDonald says in the poem that this book takes its name from 'Mo laochan jein an t-eididh A dh' fheumadh an crios ga ghlasadh: Cuaicheineachadh eilidh, Deis eirigh gu dol air astar.'[My own little hero is the garb/That would require the belt to fix it on/Putting the kilts into pleats]'. On standing up or moving away from a servant there was a roughly pleated skirt, essentially below the waist and more material above it. Described by Lachlan MacKinnon as S math thig breacan cuachach ortlMun cuairt an eileadh cruinn [Well does a pleated plaid become you/Draped around you in folds]. The upper half was 'then fastened before, below the neck often with a fork and sometimes with a bodkin or a sharpened piece of stick, so they make pretty nearly the appearance of the poor women in London when they bring their gowns over their heads to shelter them from the rain:" The quality of the fastening, like many other things, was determined by the social class. The men of St Kilda used a sharpened fulmar bone, but most men used a stick or a piece of metal. The plaid was not fastened with a brooch as is sometimes seen during the highland revival of the very late 18th and early 19th centuries. The belted plaid was worn very short, much shorter than a modern kilt, above the knee. This was too high for some contemporary observers: as Burt rather disapprovingly wrote, 'The common habit of the ordinary highlander is far being acceptable to the eye, with them a small part of the plaid, which is not so large as the former, is set in folds and girt round the waist, to make of it short petticoat that reaches half down the thigh:7 On the other hand, Margaret Campbell who perhaps had a slightly different perspective wrote of the Act of Proscription that Siud an sgeul tha tursachlLe iomadh fleasgachl Nach jaicear a ghluineanlNo bac na h-iosgaidlOsain fhada chuarainlGan cumail seasgair [The news that many fine young men/Find most depressing/ Is that their knees will not be seen/Or their thighs either/Long hose of worsted stocking wool/To keep them cosy].8 Highland dress made many contemporary observers uncomfortable since it subverted the 18th century norms about dress. This is quite clear in the writings of some visitors to the Highlands in the latter part of 17th century and into the 18th century. This was the time in which three-piece suit was developed although the Prince's great-uncle, Charles II, is credited with its invention in the latter part of the 17th century. Certainly, however, the breeches, waistcoat, and coat worn by most men in Western Europe by the mid-18th century were the precursors of the modern suit that men wear today. Highland dress destroyed this norm with the plaid and its bright colours as well as the line of the clothing for if Lowland fashion had any 6 7 8 Burt. Lellers. p.228. Burt. Lellers. p.232. An t-Eideadh Gaidhealach - Margaret Campbell. 27 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID decoration it was on the upper half of the body, on the coat and waistcoat, which were quite frequently plain in Highland garb. Lowland clothing then became plainer and sleeker below the waist with narrow breeches and plain stockings - elite men in Scotland and England in particular showed their wealth with the excellence of the cut of the clothes, and the quality of the fabric rather than decoration or bright colours. This was not the case with Highland clothes with the profusion of fabric and bright colours below the waist that a plaid involved. The plaid was quite often left off if the weather was too hot, although this was not really a problem for most of the 1745 Rising given that that majority of it took place in the autumn and winter, but the practice of doing so does seem to have been reasonably common. Certainly, there were accounts of men going into battle having thrown off their plaid wearing nothing but their long shirts and coats: Lord George Murray described the men throwing off their plaids during the skirmish at Clifton giving them an appearance much like the 18th century murder victim from Arnish Moor on the Isle of Lewis (a bog body found in the 20th century) who was found wearing long shirt and coat but no breeches or plaid. 9 The kilt (jeileadh beag) or philabeg began to be worn in the early 18th century. The kilt in the mid-18th century was effectively half of the plaid sewn together. In 1740s the overlapping flat aprons characteristic of modern kilts had not appeared as yet, so it was roughly pleated all the way round. Lord George Murray wore one at least once during the campaign, writing: 'I was this day in my Pheillybeg, that is to say without breeches'.1O The Prince also wore a kilt whilst on the run. Lord George also wrote to his wife about a 'feelybeg', as he called it, in May 1745. There is a contemporary portrait of Alexander MacDonell of Glengarry and one of his servants where the servant is wearing a kilt which is now in the Museum of the Isles. However, the majority of the Jacobite soldiers in Highland dress wore the plaid since it also acted as an extra layer of clothing, and if necessary a bed as Burt rather scornfully wrote. Indeed, General Hawley by November 1745 attributed the success of the Jacobites to the advantages that their clothing and way of life gave them. In Am Breacan Uallach the plaid is described as 'Fior-chulaidh an t-soighdeir' ['true dress of the soldier) which is'S neo-ghloiceil ri h-uchd na caismeachd,l'S ciatac 'san adbhans thui ['and practical in the heat of battle/ Graceful in the advance, you are'). With the belted plaid the men wore tight fitting, neat short hose [osan), also made from tartan although not generally matching the tartan of the plaid, which came up to the calf and not the knee - thus leaving a considerable gap between them and beginning of the plaid. Mar ghealbhradain di chosen/Le d' ghearr- osan mu d' chalpa [Like bright salmon your legs/With short hose round your calves). One writer in 1743 describes 'the Highlander as wearing broad garters below the knee and no breeches: 11 'Guidheam air beul sios o'n 9 D. Wilcox. 'Scottish Late Seventeenth Century Male Clothing (Part 2): The Barrock Estate Clothing Finds Described', Costllme. vol 51. no. I. 2017. p.28-53. 10 Pittock. Ml"th. p.40. II Mo RlIn Geal Og - Christiana Ferguson. 28 IN ARMS AND HIGHLAND DRESS: THE HIGHLAND DIVISION a shin e'n t-osan/Ged tha an stocainn jada us i'na cochull jarsuing/B' anns' an t-osan rep nach biodh reis o'n t-sails o'n ghartan' [May he damned be since our hose he lengthened/Though the stockings long, and widely as it covers/ Better the short hose, not a span [nine inches) from heel or garter').ll The short hose was often in pictures and in other contemporary descriptions kept up by scarlet garters about a metre long and tied with great care. By Christmas of 1745, when the Jacobites were in Glasgow, they had ordered another six thousand short hose so therefore it seems likely in the latter part of the campaign many of the men would have had matching hose. In the Pencuik sketches there is at least one soldier wearing footless stockings, moran in Gaelic, which some poor men and women wore. Burt described them as being like bandages wrapped round the legs. This, again, is a credible solution for many as clearly many had walked through their hose after a few months' service with the Jacobite army. Contemporaries appear to have drawn no distinction for example between the clothing of the officers of the Highland regiments such as Lochiel's or the Appin's and their peers in the Lowland regiments like the Edinburgh Regiment since many, if not most, of the officers wore Highland dress during the campaign, further evidence that most of the officers were dressed the same. There seems to have been no particular mark of rank for Jacobite officers beyond having clothes of a finer quality and more weapons. However, like the Prince on the march to Derby, many of them would have worn trews (truibhais). It is important to recognise that although trews were frequently worn by elite men partly because of the skill and tailoring needed to make them, in general the distinction between rich and poor in the army, like in the wider populace, was in the quality of the materials and value of trims and accessories in addition to the excellence of the tailoring. Tailors were one of the specialised occupations that did exist in the highlands some travelled across the highlands in the summer to visit customers. Trews were long tight hose cut on the bias to allow for stretch and thus movement. Martin Martin in 1703 describes trews as: fine woven, like stockings made of cloath; some are coloured and others striped; the latter are as well shap'd as the former, lying close to the body from the middle downwards, and tied round with a belt above the haunches. There is a square piece of cloth which hangs down before [this is probably a cloth purse or sporran] ... , so that it requires more skill to make it, than the ordinary habit." As Martin says, they were generally made from tartan which had a simpler pattern than that used for the coat or the plaid. From the accounts of the trials of officers at Southwark more than half are described as wearing the Highland habit or Highland clothes. Of these officers four at least, Major McLachlan, Captain McLeod, Colonel Farquharson, and the Prince's staff officer, Colonel Henry Ker of Graden, would probably have been mounted, and would have been wearing trews and long boots since 12 Orall all aghaidh all eididh ghallda - John MacCodrum. 13 J.T. Dunbar. Hi.\"I(wy of Highlalld Dress (Edinburgh: Olivcr & Boyd. 1962). p.45. 29 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID riding in a kilt or a belted plaid would be very uncomfortable (although there is an image from the Pencuik sketches of John Gordon of Glenbucket riding in a plaid). Farquharson was described by Allan Stewart, a sergeant in Appin's Regiment, as wearing a short coat and trews in Inverness. In fact, given that trews were often considered to be the mark of a gentleman it is very likely that the majority of officers wearing Highland dress would have worn them. Garters were often worn with trews, as in the portrait of Major James Fraser of Castle Leathers, and were, as with the short hose, often scarlet. In 1715, Lord James Murray had five pairs of garters in the inventory of his luggage lodged in Aberdeen during the Rising including two pairs of 'highland garters'. With the trews and the belted plaid in the summer the choice would be an either/or; however, given the wintry conditions of much of the campaign it is likely as many of the Jacobites as could would have worn both of these. With the plaid the men wore a short coat cut to mid-hip. Like those found in some of the bog finds, the coat could be a single colour and of fabric like frieze. Frieze was a rough cloth often called hodden or wadmal in Scotland. Wad mal was often undyed and was valued for the making of warm winter clothing. This was a common choice of fabric for the short Highland coat for working men and continued to be so until later in the century. Given this and the relative cheapness of the cloth it seems likely that the twelve thousand coats ordered by the Jacobites during the campaign were made from wadmal/ hodden and were either undyed, or a cheap dye colour from native dyes. If undyed, colour varied from white to near black depending on the colour of the fleece used and whether it was mixed: the famous hodden grey worn by Scottish armies from the previous century was made by mixing black and white fleeces together in the proportion of one to twelve when weaving. The waistcoats that were generally worn underneath the short coats were longer than the coats - four or five inches [approximately 10.1 to 12.7cm] is given as the measurement by Burt and were frequently made from wadmal, and so plain, or tartan. Many of the Jacobites, particularly the officers, had coats and waistcoats made from tartan: the red and black pattern now known as Rob Roy was a popular choice. David, Lord Ogilvy, was painted wearing a coat made from this tartan or possibly a blue and red variation as was at least one other officer from his regiment which raises the possibility of a bulk purchase for the officers at least. Coloured cuffs, white, gold, or silver lace, and velvet were also common amongst the more well off. However, since 6,000 coats were obtained in Glasgow in the December of 1745 then this raises the probability that many of the men in the army after Christmas were wearing matching coats. In contrast Captain McLeod's scarlet coat was described as collared with velvet during his trial at Southwark although difficulties in his imprisonment meant he looked quite ragged by the time he reached London. His coat may have been similar to the tartan coat identified with the Prince that is in the possession of the National Museums of Scotland. Thirty years earlier, in 1715, Lord James Murray's Highland coat was lined with white silk as was his waistcoat. Captain Macleod was also apparently without his shirts by the time he arrived in the south. This was a serious matter as any 18th century gentleman 30 IN ARMS AND HIGHLAND DRESS:THE HIGHLAND DIVISION saw clean linen as a mark of gentility and contemporary inventory lists and court records suggest that a gentleman might have owned up to 50 shirts and expect to change his linen several times a day. While Murray did not take quite that number on campaign in 1715 he did have 17 shirts: nine plain and eight 'with lace at the breast: When Charles was on the run in the summer of 1746 Lady MacDonald of Sleat gave him six of her husband's shirts which while generous on her part does certainly suggest that her husband had quite a number of shirts and that Charles expected to change his shirt a few times. In the 17th century and early 18 th century shirts worn by highlanders had been very full requiring many yards of linen like those worn in the late medieval period which needed up to 15 or 20 yards of linen. However, by the mid-18th century they looked much like those worn elsewhere, still voluminous but not as generous as the ones worn earlier with the shirts being worn almost to the knee and frequently with side splits. In Glasgow the 12,000 linen shirts that were also ordered from the reluctant burghers there, does seem to allow for approximately two shirts for each man. Three regiments - Lochiel's, Glengarry's, and Ogilvy's - had grenadier companies but there are no records to suggest that they wore anything to differentiate themselves from others in their regiment. In the contemporary engravings of Highland soldiers and the Jacobites their hair was worn long in the Highland fashion, 'T'fhalt dhualach donn lurachlMu do mhuineal an orlaghl'S e gu cama-lubach cuimir' [Your wavy hair brown and lovely/ All arranged round your neck! In neat curly tresses ].14 The side curls were loose, but the rest of their hair was generally gathered or clubbed at the back. A few years later the men of Black Watch during the French and Indian war in Canada were told to wear their hair 'ten inches below the tie, eight inches of which was then to be tied with ribbon and two inches at the end to be formed into a curl: 15 An idea of the costs of the clothing can be obtained from a letter quoted by Dunbar to Lord Loudoun on the Government side in early September l746 from James Seton, an Edinburgh merchant who supplied most of his Regiment's clothing. Sergeants' plaid cost 2/ a yard, their hose cost l/9 per yard. The private men's plaids cost 1/2 per yard (presumably thinner fabric, cheaper dyes). The officers of course had to provide their own and it is interesting to note that they are listed as having: a plaid and coat, a waistcoat, a shirt and neckcloth, brogues, hose, a bonnet, leather accoutrements which cost 14 shillings and sixpence and a sword which was eight shillings and four pence. 16 The royal standard raised at Glenfinnan in August 1745 was a red silk flag with a white square in the middle Tandem triumphans [at length victorious] on it in gold, a red and gold fringe and military tassels. However, the Prince did not carry this with him, but one of the fourteen flags burnt in the Grassmarket was described as 'On a staff a large plain white colour, said to be the standard'. 14 Mo Run Geal Og - Christiana Ferguson. 15 Dunbar, History, p.181. 16 Dunbar, History, p.170. 31 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Regimental flags were frequently saltires; the Appin Regiment's yellow flag, one of the companies of Cromartie's Regiment may have carried a blue colour with a saltire, and Bannerman's of Elsick's Regiment also carried a saltire. Lord Ogilvy's Regiment had a blue with a white saltire with in the top quadrant a white scroll with Nemo Me Impune Lacessit in black and gold letters, above a thistle in natural colours, which still exists in Dundee Museum although the MacDonalds of Glencoe were supposed to have marched behind a bunch of heather tied to a pike. On 4 June 1746, 14 flags were burnt in the Grassmarket following the Jacobite defeat at Culloden, which were recorded on a receipt given for the by Major Hu Wentworth of the 6th Foot on 11 May as 'Received from Lieutenant Colonel Napier the following rebel colours': 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. On a staff a white linen colours belonging to the Farquharsons. On a staff white linen colours Terrores Furio, [This is most likely to be the Chisholmes] On a staff a large plain white colour, said to be the standard On a staff, a blue silk colour Sursum Tendo. [Possibly belonging to the 2nd battalion of Ogilvy's Regiment.] A staff the colours tore off The same On a staff a white silk colour with the Stewarts Arms, 'God save King' [It is possible that this was the flag of the Prince's lifeguard.] On a staff a white colour in the canton St. Andrews cross. [Possibly carried by the Bannerman of Elsick's Regiment.] On a staff a white silk flag with a red saltire A blew silk colours with the Lovat arms 'Sine Sanguine Victor. [These may be those of Lovat's second-in-command, Charles Fraser of Inverallochie.] A white piece of silk with a bleu saltire. [ This may have been carried by the Second Battalion of Atholl's Brigade under James Spalding of Glenkirchie, but the Spalding arms are blue and yellow. The First Battalion of the same brigade under Archibald Menzies of Shian are known to have carried white colours with red saltires, from the colours of the Menzies arms.] Piece of blue silk with a St Andrews saltire with the motto Commit the work to God A red linen flag with a red saltire One of my Lord Lovat's camp colours. [Nothing else is known about this.] Other flags known are: • 32 Cameron of Lochiel's: a flag with a central green square which had the a variant of the arms of the family these are still preserved at Auchencarry and a red and gold striped colour, captured at Culloden but not burnt. IN ARMS AND HIGHLAND DRESS: THE HIGHLAND DIVISION John Gordon of Glenbucket's Regiment: white with the arms of the Marquis of Huntly in the centre (Glenbucket was Huntly's lieutenant colonel in the 1715 Rising and these were probably carried at Sherrifmuir). A guidon ofGardiner's l3th Dragoons was carried by them into action at Prestonpans and Falkirk and then captured by the Jacobites and carried by the Lifeguards at Culloden. It bore the motto Britons strike home, a line from a popular opera song on a green ground and was burned by the public hangman of Edinburgh, along with all with the other Jacobite colours.17 17 A. Annand, 'The Regimental Colour of the 2nd Bn. Lord Ogilvy's Regiment. Army of Prince Charles Edward·. JOllrnal of the Societyfor Army Historical Research. 34( I3 7),1956, pp.12-14. S. Reid. The Scol/ish Jacobite Army 1745-46. (Oxford: Osprey, 2012), pp.16-17. 33 3 His Black Hat, Bordered and Cockaded: The Lowland Division B'fhearr [jam breacan uallach Mu m'ghuaillibh, 's a chur fa machlais, Na ge do gheibhinn cota De 'n chlo as thig a Sasgunn. Better is the proud plaid Beneath my arms and round my shoulders, To any coat I could get Of the best cloth from England.' Lowland Division of the Dukes of Perth & Atholl • • • • Atholl Brigade Aberdeenshire Company of Lieutenant Colonel James Crichton of Auchengoul Bannerman of Elsick's Battalion Balmoral Battalion Duke of Perth's Regiment Farquarson of Monaltrie's Regiment Forfarshire Regiment (Lord Ogilvy's Regiment) John Roy Stuart's Edinburgh Regiment Lord Lewis Gordon's Regiment Monaltrie's Regiment Many of the men within the Lowland regiments were also wearing Highland clothes and tartan partly due to the bulk purchases of clothing over the campaign, the purchases of fabric or clothing by some of those raising a Alexander MacDonald - Am Breacan Uallach. 34 HIS BLACK HAT, BORDERED AND COCKADED:THE LOWLAND DIVISION regiment, and others because of political conviction. Many of the men who were loyal to the Jacobite cause showed their adherence through their sartorial choices. Over 50 percent of the 290 commissioned officers in the whole army actually came from Edinburgh, Aberdeen, Perth, and Dundee as well as the other smaller towns in the Lowlands, and not from the Highlands. However, the decision of both Prince Charles Edward and his opponents to use Highland clothing as a propaganda tool ensured the association of Highland dress and tartan with the cause. This of course helped to reinforce the idea that this was a Highland army. Further confusion is added to this as some men in the Lowland regiments were not from the Lowlands just as some of the men in the Highland regiments were not from the Highlands. Looking at patterns of recruitment for example in the case of Lord Ogilvy's or the Forfarshire Regiment, of the 630 men identified as having been part of the regiment, the majority come from Angus on the East coast, near Dundee (known as Forfarshire in the 18th century). The officers in Ogilvy's Regiment seem to have been dressed in matching tartan, likely to be a red and blue/black pattern such as the one which Ogilvy had himself painted in during the 45. Approximately 130 were from Perthshire, as well as a few men from Banffshire, Fife, and Kincardine. Similarly, the Atholl Brigade, often thought to have been largely recruited from Perthshire, contained a sizeable proportion of men from Argyllshire. The Duke of Perth's Regiment included, unsurprisingly, men from Perthshire, but also quite large numbers from Aberdeenshire and Banffshire, as well as small numbers of men from across Moray, Fife, the Southern Lowlands, and England. Alexander McGrouther, a lieutenant in the Duke of Perth's Regiment, was described by one witness in Carlisle as wearing 'a Highland plaid, bonnet, white cockade and dirk' and similarly, another Perthshire man, Patrick Butler was 'armed and in Highland dress with them [the Jacobitesp Almost all the officers in the Lowland regiments and some of the men wore highland clothes. Lawrence Stewart in his deposition lists at least 13 officers the majority of whom were from Perthshire and serving in Lowland regiments, but all are described as wearing Highland dress Evidence against many of the officers in the Lowland regiments emphasises this. There were orders to outfit regiments like Avochie's which stated that 'all the men are to be well cloathed, with short cloathes [a short coat and waistcoat in the highland style], plaid, new shoes and three pairs of hose'. In the contemporary Woodhouselee document Crichton says 'Severall of the new cocad gentlemen [in Edinburgh so presumably Lowland volunteers] have chainged there dress into the Highland habit'.3 In his account of the skirmish at Keith, Captain Robert Stewart of the Edinburgh Regiment described that he threw off his plaid and desired that everyone should do the like: therefore at least some of the men were wearing some Highland clothes. Additionally, John Mackewan was described as 'armed and in highland garb with white cockade, as an officer in John Roy 3 Perth & Kinross Archives, 859/30172. P. Crichton, WoodllOlIselee MS, (Edinburgh: Chambers. 1907), p.49. 35 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Stewart's Regt. of Grantully and Strathbaan men' in witness reports. l It is likely that as officers Stewart and Mackewan were wearing trews as many of the officers from both Highland and Lowland regiments did. There are plenty of account entries to be found of lowland men buying tartan in the years preceding the Rising and tartan in many colours was advertised for sale in Edinburgh in 1745. However, the majority of the men in Lowland regiments wore their normal lowland clothes with the addition of a white cockade in their hats and sometimes a tartan sash or waistcoat: breeches, cloth coats and waistcoats, with linen shirts and knitted woollen bonnets worn flat on the head - 6,000 of these were part of the clothing from Glasgow in December - or a sometimes a tricorn although slightly larger knitted bonnets seem to have been more typical of the lowlands for plebeian men. These could be combined with several accessories to present a respectable appearance. Shoes with removable metal buckles or ties to fasten them - the quality and type of which of course varied depending on class. Of course, on the march soldiers from any army tended not to look as smart as they might on parade, the Pencuik sketches show regular British army soldiers with un cocked hats and the skirts of their coats unhooked; carrying packs and canteens, much like the ones the Lord George Murray ordered for the Highland army. Shoes with ties and lower heels or no heel at all were however more common for Highland dress although given the number of shoes bought or obtained by other means over the campaign this distinction was probably irrelevant after December 1745. Sturdy knitted worsted stockings covered the legs and neckwear was typically a long linen stock, white most commonly, although a black stock was worn with uniforms so some of the men would have been wearing one, or a coloured square of coloured or checked linen: these were more common among working men. Lord lames Murray brought '40 travelling cravats', 14 cambric cravats and another 19 cravats of various fabrics with him in 1715. Of course, as is mentioned frequently in all the descriptions, the white cockade was worn in the hat to show allegiance to the Stuart cause. Some of the officers wore riding coats over everything else - for example Allan Stewart described Monaltrie 'as wearing a big blue coat at the head of his regiment' or Lieutenant lames Stormouth of Ogilvy's Regiment who wore a long riding coat, albeit over highland dress. s The knee length breeches that that any man in Lowland dress wore were made from leather, heavy linen, or wool. Leather breeches were a common choice since they were ubiquitous in the mid-18th century. Much of the leather for breeches was brought in from North America as Europe had ceased to be self-sufficient in buckskin in the 16th century. Leather breeches were practical, hard wearing and comfortable working clothes and so most commonly worn by tradesmen and craftsmen almost like the jeans of the day however gentlemen frequently wore them for riding - this is where the idea of the 'Regency buck' came from, so beloved of romance novelists - so at least 4 5 36 Perth & Kinross Archives. 859/30172. Reid. Scollish Jacohite Army, pp.59-60. HIS BLACK HAT, BORDERED AND COCKADED:THE LOWLAND DIVISION some of the officers and the cavalry not in Highland clothes would have been wearing them. The breeches worn at this period, had a full seat, gathered to a waistband and buttoned with an exposed flap. The waistband, which was deeper at the front than the back, was normally fastened with three buttons, which were covered with same fabric as the breeches. It could be tightened at the centre back where there was a slit bordered with lacing holes at each side. A strap and buckle substitute to the lacing had just started to appear on some breeches. Their knees were covered by gartered knitted stockings which were pulled up over the breeches. They might well have worn garters with a Jacobite motto on such as 'our cause is just and our Prince brave' or leather garters with a simple buckle. One bog body from late 17th century Scotland was wearing two pairs of breeches to keep the cold out, which, given the harsh conditions that the army found itself on their return to Scotland before Christmas, seems a likely solution for any man that could. 6 It appears from the Pencuik sketches and other accounts that some of the Lowland soldiers wore items associated with Highland dress; sporrans and plaids with their breeches and coats. The sporran, which just means purse in Gaelic, was not the enormous tassel-ridden monster of the regimental wear of the following century but, simply, a leather purse. They were mostly made from deer or calf skin and had a brass puzzle clasp or cantle, although examples from the previous century do not have the cantle. Frequently the front would be incised with a simple design, often concentric circles. The bag generally had one central and two hinge thongs with tassels and was laced to the clasp with thongs. They were often divided internally into smaller pockets by leather partitions. They were not particularly large, although occasionally they do seem to have been more bag than purse sized like the one worn by Major Fraser of Castle Leathers, but most were big enough for some money, a pipe or a snuff box, and other similar essentials. Plaids worn by Lowland troops were likely to be the smaller lowland plaids approximately 3 yards (2.75 metres) long. Plaids were not exclusive to Highland dress and were worn throughout Scotland although it was generally only with Highland dress that the belted plaid was worn. Coats were frequently made from wad mal or hodden with shades of brown or grey being the most common colours for the plebeian men followed by blue - Charles appeared more than once in a cam let coat of blue; a fabric that was common choice as an informal coat for gentlemen - or green as well as 'a blue grogam coat' trimmed with gold lace.' As with other items of clothing, the status of the wearer would show in the quality of the cloth and the cut and expense in any trim or complementary lining or cuffs like Prince's gold lace. The coats of the 1740s had full pleated skirts, which contrasted with the shorter Highland coats, and were generally stiffened with buckram to help hold the skirts out. The full skirts of the coats had open side seams with button 6 7 J. Greene. & E. McCrum. "'Small Clothes': The Evolution or Men's Nether Garments as Evidenced in "The Belfast Newsletter" Index 1737-1800." Eighteenth-Century Ireland / Iris an D,j Chlllllir 5 1990: pp.153-71. Riding, Jacobite.I·, p.178. 37 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID The Pretender. This print c. 1750 shows the Prince in the harlequin check which was used frequently in antiJacobite propaganda. This may be based on the clothes that the Duke of Perth gave him in 17~0 and that he wore for a January ball in 1741 In Rome; he has a targe at his feet, crossed pistols, a sword in his hand, and there has been an attempt at depicting a plaid - clearly by someone who had probably never seen one. (An ne SK Brown Military Collection) 38 stays and a back vent which were designed to allow them to drape over the back of a horse, the origin of the shape of the full skirts. Additionally, another practical purpose was served the side vents which allowed a sword to pass through the coat without damage to the coat. The button stays stopped a sword from moving about and controlled the movement of the coat's skirts. These buttons also allowed the flaps of the coat to be turned up to display a contrasting lining as in the blue coats turned up with red which were probably brought over from France and were seen in both civilian and military clothing since their origin was in riding clothing. These coats were worn by the Manchester Regiment amongst others. Waistcoats were made from a variety of different fabrics - cloth, worsted, stuff (which was really a sort of worsted just poorer quality) silk and linen - and in contrast to Highland dress the waistcoats were shorter than the coats. Some of the men, particularly the older and working men, would have been wearing the slightly less fashionable sleeved waistcoat, perhaps made from a quilted fabric, under their coats, particularly since it was winter. Many of the officers and the 'gentlemen' volunteers wore tartan waistcoats. Waistcoats were frequently made to match the colour of the coats worn; however white waistcoats were also common for informal wear and in white flannel as an under waistcoat for extra warmth, so it seems likely that many men would have been wearing them. Like the coats the quality of the cloth and trim of the waistcoats - the Prince had a red waistcoat trimmed with gold lace reflected the social class of owner. The majority of the men in the Lowland regiments - the tradesmen, merchants and farmers from places such as Edinburgh, Manchester, Perthshire and East Lothian - like their peers in highland dress would not worn any underwear other than their linen shirts therefore the shirts were long, the tails were drawn together between the legs to form underwear, as was also the case if the plaid was worn, so were changed frequently if possible. The finer the linen, the richer, the owner of the shirt, and the more shirts he owned and brought with him; even a labourer would own a couple of shirts and in normal circumstances a gentleman would change his shirt HIS BLACK HAT, BORDERED AND COCKADED:THE LOWLAND DIVISION several times a day. Most middle-class men and above prided themselves on personal cleanliness as a sign of good health, respectability, and virtue so even whilst on campaign and on the march to and from Derby would have endeavoured to change their shirts as much as possible. Although some shirts were made of thin unbleached wool the vast majority were made of white or unbleached linen. Those of Prince and the men about him were made from fine Holland (the finest quality linen). They were fastened with small thread covered buttons, generally three, and opened to about mid chest. The social distinctions as in other items of clothing showed in the details - the fineness of the linen, the whiteness, and the quality of the stitching. Additionally, how the shirt was washed and pressed generally signified a gentleman's rank and pressing was required to fit the sleeves of the shirt inside the much narrower sleeves of a coat which would have been trickier whilst on campaign despite the numbers of servants and camp followers that travelled with the army. An average 18th century shirt could be as much as 60 inches (152 centimetres) around the chest, and approximately 40 inches (101 centimetres) long. Stockings were usually knitted out of worsted - wool spun from combed rather than carded fleece. The knitting of stockings was a common cottage industry and was particularly prevalent in Aberdeenshire. Black, white, and blue were the typical colours for stockings, blue being perhaps the most commonly seen colour among the working classes. Other colours included brown (dark to pale), grey, and 'sheep's black' (a brownish black), 'cloth coloured' (natural or sheep coloured wool), and speckled or 'clouded' (made by mixing two colours). There were some men in the Lowland regiments who would not have been wearing either Highland dress or their normal clothes and those men were the deserters from the British Army after Prestonpans. A witness named Robert Bowey reported that: On Friday last 27th Sept he was at Edinburgh and there saw about 200 soldiers with the livery ofHM King George go down under guard to the Abby, and shortly after saw about 40 carried away under guard ... and the remainder set at liberty, and this deponent saw many going about at large with white cockades along with the rebels, by reason whereof it was said that they had all initiated the Pretender and were in his service." Deserters, like the unfortunate Mr McKendrick who was shot for desertion, continued to wear their uniforms with the addition of a white cockade replacing the black government one. William Harvey, a deserter from Lascelles's Regiment who while he continued to wear his red coat with white facings and red laced waistcoat got rid of his cocked hat, in favour of a blue bonnet with the ubiquitous white cockade. Many of the deserters, about 98 of them, were from Guise's Regiment who carried on wearing their red coats turned up and faced with yellow, red breeches and waistcoats. One deserter, Dunbar, who had been a sergeant in Sowle's Regiment, discarded his green 8 Reid, Seal/ish Jacobite Army, p.12. 39 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID faced coat for a smarter laced red coat from the notorious Major James Lockhart of Cholmondeley's Regiment of Foot at the Battle of Falkirk, and was hanged after Culloden still wearing it. Judging by a couple of references in the extant Jacobite order books to 'the redcoats of Perth's' and the Edinburgh Regiment, most if not all of them may have ended up in those regiments, and in fact the adjutant of Perth's Regiment, John Christie, had been a sergeant in one of Cope's regiments. 40 4 Other Units in the Army Manchester Regiment Lord Strathallan's Regiment Life guards - all 'gentlemen of character' - Lord Elcho's Troop, Lord Balmerino's Troop Lord Kilmarnock Horse/Foot Guards Lord Pitsligio's Horse Hussars Royal Ecossois Irish Piquets - Lally, Dillon, Rooth, Berwick Fitzjames' Horse All gentlemen volunteers who are willing to serve His Royal Highness Charles, Prince of Wales, Regent of Scotland and Ireland, in one of His Royal Highnesses new raised English regiments, commonly called the Manchester Regiment, under the command of Colonel Townley, let them repair to the Drum Head or to the Colonel's headquarters where they shall be kindly entertained, enter into present pay and good quarters, receive all arms and accoutrements and everything fit to complete a gentleman soldier, and for their further encouragement, when they arrive in London they shall receive 5 guineas each and a crown to drink his Majesty King lames health, and, if not willing to serve any longer, they shall have a full discharge. Every man shall be rewarded according to his merits. God Bless King lames The Manchester Regiment's numbers have been variously estimated at 188 to 300, although 200 to 300 seems likely. They did not all come from Manchester, many came from all over Lancashire and other neighbouring counties to enlist. They were led by Colonel Francis Townley, who had served in the French army. The officers had tartan sashes and indeed Townley as Colonel had one lined in white silk. Another officer, Mr Batteagh, was reported in trial proceedings to have been wearing 'a scotch plaid sash lined with white ribbon: The officers also had tartan waistcoats and laced hats. The regiment wore blue coats turned up with red which suggests they may well have been more of the French coats as worn by the Prince's lifeguard. They, of course, had white cockades on their hats. 41 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Their flag is described as having the motto; 'Liberty, Property, Church and King' In a contemporary history of the campaign by Andrew Henderson declares that the rank and file of the regiment were dressed in 'blue cloathes, Hangers, a Plaid sash and white Cockade' and their appearance as they came into Derby was described as being 'distinguished by a sash of pladd: However at least one of their officers, James Bradshaw, is described as wearing highland dress at his trial. 'A Highland dress, arm'd with pistols and sword and a white cockade on his bonnet'.' The Jacobite cavalry was not particularly strong in the 1745 Rising; at its height there were probably 600 horse with perhaps the best units being that of the Prince's Lifeguard and Kilmarnock's Horse. Lord Kilmarnock's troops were later reformed as Foot Guards due to a shortage of horses in February 1746 with the addition of some smaller, weaker units such as Bannerman's. It was not however until the latter stages of the campaign that there was a major shortage of horses, a report from Lancaster on 13 December stated that the cavalry 'have got more Horses than they had when they went South: At Manchester, 180 were ordered for pressing and by this time there had been considerable opportunities to reinforce the position in Scotland. James Dodds the farmer at Seton Mill Mains, Haddington, stated at his trial that his horses were all taken and he was forced out but it is more likely that his horses were needed for the wagons captured from Cope rather than cavalry. This was also the case in Perthshire where horses and carts were required at the start of the campaign to ferry arms and men to where the army was. Charles Husband, from Balbrogie, near Coupar Angus, stated that Charles Hay, quartermaster for Ogilvy's Regiment, commandeered a number of horses and carts from him and his neighbours to carry the baggage of the French troops to Perth. 2 It was not until the last week in February that the Fitzjames's Horse, who landed at Aberdeen on the 22nd, had to be given the remaining mounts from Forbes of Pitsligo's and Kilmarnock's Horse: by that time the Jacobite Army was retreating to the Highlands, where fresh horses were in very short supply. Pitsligo's Horse had approximately 248 men, gentlemen and their servants, all of whom wore Highland dress, which since they were mounted, would have been trews, short coats - these do not seem to have been laced - waistcoats and riding boots. Most of the Jacobite cavalrymen wore some kind of Highland clothing. Adam Hay, a writer in Edinburgh and a volunteer in the regiment according to reports given at his trial, wore Highland clothes and was armed with a broadsword. Murray of Broughton's Hussars who only ever numbered about 70 to 80 men at most were drawn from the lowlands despite being described as highland cavalry. Major John Baggot of Rooth's was given command of the Hussars raised by Murray of Broughton, which were then known subsequently known as Baggot's Hussars or seem sometimes to have been called the Scotch Hussars. Discipline had apparently been bad enough that 2 42 J. Dates, 'The Manchester Regimenl of 1745'. Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 88. 354. 2010, pp.12-51. Perth & Kinross Archives. B59/30172. OTHER UNITS IN THE ARMY it was thought a professional soldier was needed to keep them in line. Major Baggot, from Limerick, was described as 'a very rough sort of man, and. so exceedingly well fitted to command the banditti of which his corps was composed, and to distress the country', although this was by a Whig so this description should perhaps be taken with a pinch of salt. They are described when accompanying the Prince to Pinkie House in East Lothian at the end of October as 'accouretd and mounted as hussars: They wore a short tartan coat, and a tartan waistcoat, what James Ray in his History of the Rebellion describes as a 'close Plaid waistcoat',3 longer than the jacket in the highland style, a band of goatskin round the bonnet and a piece of the same about a foot in length which stood out from the top of the bonnet and riding boots. A witness at Carlisle described their hats as being 'high, rough red caps, like pioneers', Ray calls them 'huge fur caps and adds that they have 'very bad horses: 'They have gott gwardes in forme for the Prince and they have a trowpe of gentlemen in huzare dress with the furred caps. long swords or shabbers, and limber [supple] boots:~ The cavalry - including the Hussars - were among the best armed and equipped troops in the army, with pistols in holsters on either side of the saddle pommel, besides - if the Penicuik drawings are to believed - a rather large hanger also (or shabberlsabre as Crichton called it) That said, by several reports their horses were not very good at Culloden where they were described as being on the left towards the wings. The Lifeguards, like many of the cavalry units, consisted of two troops one commanded by Lord Elcho and another by Lord Elphinstone who became Lord Balmerino in January 1746. The Lifeguards who were 'all gentlemen of character: the sons of gentlemen and their servants mostly from the east coast cities of Edinburgh and Dundee. They wore a smart long coat of 'blue turned up with red' and a red laced waistcoat. Lord Elcho wrote that he 'raised a squadron of gentlemen, whose uniform was blue coat with a red vest and red cuffs: The blue coats were unlaced, and they seem to have had tartan belts. This is confirmed by a description from an English volunteer named James Bradshaw who saw them 'dressed in long blue clothes turned up with red, and a shoulder belt mounted with tartan', It is most likely that these were these were gun belts rather than sword belts, since it was widespread practice in both the British and French armies at the time for such decorated belts to be worn by household troops: Reid suggests that they were carbine belts. The blue coats with red were probably French as there is no mention of them being made up while the army was at Edinburgh, this makes it likely that they were some of the military supplies carried to Scotland on the Du Teillay. The Derby Mercury reported that they were 'c1oath'd in blue, fac'd with red, most of them of 'em had in scarlet waistcoats with gold lace and being likely men to make a good appearance: Three months after Prince Charles arrived in Scotland. several ships arrived in Scotland having made it through the blockade with several Irish 3 4 Ray. Compleat History of the Rebellion. p.134. A. McK. Annand. 'The Hussars of The '45'. Journal ofthe Societyfor Army Historical Research 39. no. 159. 1961. pp. 144-60. 43 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID and French officers and a composite battalion of Irish soldiers in French service. Although the some of the ships had been taken as prizes or held back by storms in total of about 800 men had managed to land at Montrose. Lord John Drummond had raised nearly 600 men, mostly Scottish, for the Royal Ecossois by August 1744, originally for the War of Austrian Succession as part of the French army. After taking part in fighting in Flanders at numerous sieges, 300 of the regiment joined the expeditionary force sailing on La Fine when they were sent to support the Jacobites in Scotland. They landed at Montrose in late November 1745. Though Drummond had expected to raise another battalion of men in Scotland, his total numbers probably never rose far above 400. The Royal Ecossois wore a dark blue coat lined with white which had rouge a l'ecossoise facings and a waistcoat of the same red, with three white buttons on the pocket and twelve white piped buttonholes down each side of the coat and waist coat. They wore red breeches, and white gaiters as was normal for French infantry of this period with all orders of dress, and carried the model 1728 musket with all the associated French leatherwork. They had a grenadier company and there is a grenadier cap made of blue velvet and red silk in the National Museum of Scotland which is associated with the Royal Ecossois, in the British mitre style. It has the fleur de lys and thistle embroidered on it. It was captured abroad the L'Esperance in November 1745, so it would seem likely that it was worn by them. One of them was Lieutenant Charles Oliphant, a customs officer from Aberdeen, and his uniform was described by one of the witnesses at his trial in 1747, in which he was found guilty but pardoned on condition that he emigrated to America: 'Prisoner wore the uniform of Lord John Drummond's officers viz; short blue coats, red vests laced with bonnets and white cockades'. This has sometimes been interpreted as being the uniform for the whole regiment, but it seems more likely that like many of the other officers in French service Oliphant had adopted Highland dress - he is in fact reported as wearing it whilst awaiting the arrival of the regiment in November 1745 while the soldiers, certainly those recruited in France, carried on wearing what they had been issued with. The Duke of Perth described Oliphant at Fort Augustus as wearing highland clothes and armed with a fuzee, a light musket or firelock most likely a model 1728, and a sword.' Oliphant was clearly not alone in wearing highland dress as an officer, Captain Thomas MacDermott testified that 'Many French officers got highland clothes as a protection against the highlanders who joined us'; while another, Captain John Burke of the Regiment Clare, more explicitly declared that 'I wore the highland habit to avoid danger in travelling in red clothes: Evidence for the Crown showed that, while marching from Dundee to Stirling with some French soldiers, probably men of his own regiment, Dillon's, Nicholas Glascoe was wearing a 'short highland waistcoat and white cockade, with pistols before him and a sword by his side: It was on this march that Lieutenant Glascoe joined Ogilvy's second battalion as a major. Another witness stated that when serving in that battalion he was wearing 'Highland 5 44 Athol. Chronicles. p.328. OTHER UNITS IN THE ARMY clothes: which, as he was a mounted officer, would have consisted of a short tartan coat, waistcoat, and trews or breeches. fi The most recently-raised of the Irish regiments, Lally's wore green collars, cuffs, linings on their red coats and waistcoats, white breeches and yellow hat lace. Dillon's, Glascoe's regiment, also wore a red coat but with no collar. They had black cuffs with yellow buttons and yellow lace on their tricorns. They wore three bronze buttons on the pocket. Berwick's wore the usual red coat, white breeches and waistcoat, no collar, and silver hat lace. The soldiers of the Regiment de Rooth wore a red coat which like Dillon's had no collar, it had blue cuffs, and was lined with blue. They had a blue waistcoat and breeches, and yellow lace on their hats. A considerable number of former British soldiers were found amongst the prisoners after Culloden. Some were serving in regiments such as the Duke of Perth's, but many were in the ranks of the Irish Picquets; the former British soldiers - many of who were from Guise's Regiment, continued to wear their old uniforms for the most part and carried on wearing their red coats turned up with yellow with yellow facings, red breeches and waistcoat. Apart from the Jacobite white cockade, many of them carried French accoutrements and a model 1728 firelock. Four squadrons of Fitzjames's Horse were sent from France but only one got through the blockade so there were around 130 men that landed in Scotland. The remaining troopers ofFitzjames' had been in the ships Bourbon and CharitC but unfortunately for the Jacobites these were intercepted by the Royal Navy. The regiment's full complement of heavy cavalry horses was taken along with three squadrons of 36 officers and 359 troopers. The Irish troopers had mostly already fought in Italy and the Rhine and their loss was therefore a severe blow to the possible success of the Jacobites' campaign. The men were brought to Hull and interrogated. They brought ashore so much of 'their horse furniture [red with green and white striped edging) arms, breastplates and baggage' that they required nine or ten carts and 20 pack horses to carry it all. The troopers of the Fitzjames Regiment wore red coats with button stalls to hold back the skirts of their coats, lined with royal blue, yellow buckskin breeches, black cocked hats laced with silver, and beneath the coats of the troopers, a black painted iron breast plate. The officers wore full cuirasses over their coats. Their weapons were carbines, pistols, and straight brass-hilted swords. Their standard had a French design of a yellow field with a central radiant sun surmounted by a ribbon with the motto: Nee Pluribus Impar, [Not Unequal to Many). Duffy notes that the men of Kilmarnock's Horse had to hand over some of their mounts to ensure Fitzjames could perform as expected since their horses had been captured.' 6 7 H. McCorry. ·Rats. Lice and Scolchmen: Scollish infantry regiments in the service of France. 1742-62'. Journal of the Socie~\'fiJr Army Historical Research. 74 (297). (1996). pp.I-38. C. Duffy. The '45. (London: Cassell. 2003), p.438; McCorry, H., 'Rats, Lice and Scotchmen', pp.I-38. 45 5 Very Indifferently Armed Lasair theine nan Gall Frasadh pheileit mu'r ceann Mhillsiud eireachdas lann, 5 bu bheud e. The Lowlanders' musket fire Showered bullets round our faces That spoiled sword fighting, more the pity' 'It should not be lawful for any person or persons within the shire of Dunbartain, on the north side of the water of Leven, Stirling on the north side of the river of Forth, Perth, Kincardin, Aberdeen, Inverness, Nairn, Cromarty, Argyle, Forfar, Bamff, Sutherland, Caithness, Elgine and Ross, to have in his or their custody, use, or bear, broad sword or target, poignard, whinger, or durk, side pistol, gun, or other warlike weapon: [Act of Proscription, 1747] The traditional image of the Highland army charging down from the heathery hills armed only with gleaming swords and the anachronistic Lochaber axes and scythes is a very persistent myth, but it is just that - a myth. They were too undisciplined and untrained to follow drill or fight with a gun, so goes the myth, yet that is to misunderstand the army that was created by the Jacobites; it was in many ways typical of 18th century European armies and as such many of the men in it carried conventional 18th century weapons. However, it is true that before Preston pans it was reported that 'a company or two had each them in his hand the shaft of a pitch-fork with the blade of a scythe fastened on it',2 and on 31 August Thomas Bisset at Blair Castle wrote to his master that 'the Highlanders doe not yet exceed in number 2000, and they'll scarce be so much, two thirds of which are the poorest naked like creatures imaginable, and very indifferently armed: I do not think one half of their guns will fire: J 2 3 46 Clann Cha/ain an /-Sroil - John Roy Stewan. Pittock. My/h. p.168. Athol. Chronicles. Vol.IIl. p.12. VERY INDIFFERENTLY ARMED At Prestonpans John Home described the Highland army - for such it still was at that point. About 1400 or 1500 of them were armed with firelocks and broadswords; that their firelocks were not similar or uniform, but of all sorts and sizes, muskets, fusees and fowling-pieces; that some of the rest had firelocks with swords, and some of them swords without firelocks. 4 Nevertheless, there were few, if any mentions of any men carrying pitchforks or similar after the Edinburgh City Guard armoury and the British Army weapons were taken by the Jacobites in September 1745: the plunder from the '400 carts' that Cope had marched with clearly made up some of the gaps in the Jacobite arsenal. The Pencuik sketches show men armed only with muskets and bayonets although Patrick Crichton also saw 'guns licke guns of the 16 centurie' presumably old matchlocks. 5 There were obviously weapons carried in the ships that sailed over with the Prince in the summer - the Du Teillay and the Elizabeth carried between them 3,500 stands of arms, 2,400 swords, and 20 pieces of artillery. Unfortunately for the Jacobites much of this was lost to them when the Elizabeth had to turn back. Once the French and Spanish made it through the naval blockade to Montrose to land some 2,500 guns and six of the socalled Swedish cannon this made a significant difference to the number of weapons available to the Jacobites by the end of October. James Hally stated that in October he 'saw Lord James Drummond distributing firelocks and swords to his regiment in Crieff'.6 By then: this was the view of a British intelligence report from Edinburgh on 29 October: Some of them seem not to be arm'd but 'tis reported they are all to be armd out 0' the Cargae imported at Monross [Montrose]. The rest seem all of them to be very well armd, each having a Gun, a broad Sword, a side Pistoll & severall have each one, two - & some three pair side and packet [pocket] pistols - besides Durks, Target &c. It's really thought the odds of the Arms, occasion'd lately the odds of fighting, the Regular foot having nothing but the-Gun and Bayonet to trust to which was of ill repair [no] use to them when they were broke.; A further six heavy cannons came on 24 November to add to the Jacobite artillery which now included the artillery captured from Cope at Prestopans, Duffy lists six 1.5 pounders and four mortars (two coehorn and two royal). Artillery practice began soon after this. Coehorn mortars were useful to the Jacobites as they were small, easy to transport, and used relatively little powder. Like any other European 18th century soldier the Jacobites regarded the gun rather than the sword as their primary weapon. At the start of the 4 5 6 J. Home. The History of the Rehellion in the Year 1745 (Edinburgh: Peter Brown, 1822), p.75. Crichton. Woodhollselee MS. p.83. Penh & Kinross Archives, B59/30172. Pillock. Myth, p.171. 47 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID campaign, many recruits joining the army brought a variety of fowling pieces, blunderbusses, and other individually owned guns. Reid states that several of Perth's Regiment had blunderbusses, enough in fact to make it a regimental affectation at least In Avochie's Battalion there appears to have been a move to try and equip many of the men like those in the Independent Highland companies with 'shoulder ball gun, pistols and sword'. However sufficient British Land Pattern firelocks were recovered from Prestonpans after Cope's defeat to completely equip Glenbucket's, and Lord Ogilvy's Regiments, as well as many other individual soldiers. More firelocks followed over the next few months; a further cargo of 2,500 Spanish weapons, which shared the same .69in calibre as the French, was landed in Barra in October or November 1745, and a third consignment of over two thousand firelocks in Peterhead in late January 1746. This made well over seven thousand French and Spanish firelocks that had made it past the naval blockade in addition to the guns recovered at Prestonpans and those that individuals had brought or that had been provided by individual colonels for their regiments. One such was Major James Stewart of Perth's who addition to the five pistols that he carried also had a blunderbuss. The idiosyncratic spelling aside Crichton provides a description of the 'Highland' army entering Edinburgh with a mixed arsenal of weapons - soon to be replaced by the more standard British and French guns. All these mountan officers with there troupes in rank and fyle marched from the Parliament Closs down to surrownd the Cross, and with there bagpipes and loosie crew they maid a large circle from the end of the Luickenboths to half way below the Cross to the Cowrt of Gaird ... I observed there armes, they were guns of different syses, and some of innormowows lengh, some with butts tured up lick a heren, some tyed with puck threed to the stock, some withowt locks and some match locks, some had swords over ther showlder instead of guns, one or two had pitchforks, and some bits of sythes upon poles with a cleek, some old Lochaber axes.' The Lochaber axes described here in the Woodhouslee manuscript, were generally a long, curved blade mounted on a shaft approximately two metres long topped with a hook. They were first recorded in 1501, as an 'old Scottish batale ax of Loch ab er fasoun: It had been generally considered to be a weapon of the Highland foot soldier - in the 1689 Rising many of the Jacobites carried them and in 1715 Mar ordered 300 of them - although it was also associated with the town guards of Aberdeen and Edinburgh as an essentially ceremonial weapon. However, by 1745 the heavy weapons were essentially obsolete and were probably simply discarded by anyone carrying them in favour of something newer and better as soon as they could get their hands on them. This is further emphasised by the fact that none of them appear to be have been handed in during the various arms surrenders after Culloden despite complaints that that only the rusty arms were being handed in and all the good weapons were being kept. Were they simply discarded as useless 8 48 Crichton. Woodhou.I"elee MS. p.26. VERY INDIFFERENTLY ARMED once everyone had a gun, or were they hidden? Although that possibility begs the question why hand in a gun if you could hand in a Lochaber axe? More likely they were simply thrown away on the march when no longer needed. Other unexplained absences include the 'bows, spears and axes' claimed by another observer as the weapons of the rear ranks at Edinburgh in September 1745. It is likely that at least some of the accounts were simply playing into the idea of the Highland army as an army of wild men armed with swords and axes. Even in the 17th century, John Taylor, the water poet, when travelling in the Highlands said that whilst the men carried bows and arrows and Lochaber axes they also had arquebuses, muskets, and dirks. By the start of the 18th century travellers wrote that the Highlanders carried muskets and other firearms. While the image of every Highlander as bristling with a variety of weapons was untrue for most, particularly as there had been various attempts to disarm the highlands before the' 45: although these were only partially successful, and largely more in areas loyal to the Government than the Jacobites. there were fewer weapons about in 1745 than there had been in Dundee's or even Mar's time and those men who were not Highlanders were even less likely to have their own weapons unless they were gentlemen or aspiring to be so. While it is also untrue that the army were armed with only Lochaber axes and some scythes, the reality was that whilst the Highland gentlemen, tacksmen (landholders under a feudal superior i.e. the clan chief), or officers would have had a broadsword, a pair of metal pistols and a musket and be expected therefore to stand in the front rank leading his men, many of the others behind were originally probably only armed with whatever they could find until supplied with guns and other weapons in the autumn and early winter of 1745. Despite the 2,000 cheap broadswords that were brought over from France aboard the du Teillay, swords do not seem to have been very common at all among the majority of the army. This probably due in part to the fact that swords required training and skill to be able to fight with effectively whereas a gun did not need the same amount of training for there were no sharpshooters in the armies of the mid-18th century. Guns were of more use to the Jacobites, the order book of the Appin Regiment contains the instruction on 2 November that the regiment 'will send immediately to the park of the artillery for the arms that they want'. The arms surrenders after Culloden might help give a picture of the weapons and the proportions in which the Jacobites were actually carrying the arms, although until May 1746 all weapons were also supposed to be surrendered not only those of the Jacobites. On the battlefield of Culloden itself and in the days subsequently, 2,320 muskets and significantly only 190 swords were taken together with 37 barrels of powder (which if the barrels had been full would have meant approximately 8 tonnes of powder) and 22 carts of shot, a large quantity of musket cartridges and one blunderbuss. The second line of the Jacobites at Culloden had been occupied by those 'who have only guns: indicating that some at least of the front line were carrying swords. but also the possession of guns (and consequently bayonets) by that line too. On 19 April, an order was issued to the British army that said: 49 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID No officer or soldier to conceal any firelocks, fuses or broadswords, but carry them all to the train, where they will receive half a crown for every firelock and one shilling for every broadsword. The train to pay the same price for swords and firelocks which will be brought in by the country People. French or Spanish firelocks or bayonets and cartridge boxes to be delivered to Ensign Stewart of Lascelles Regt; he is to distribute them to the Prisoners of our Army released here! This intriguingly seems to suggest that the British army preferred the French or Spanish firelocks to their own or perhaps that they were making up deficiencies in their own supplies. On 23 April 1746 General Campbell issued an order appointing five centres at which 'all private weapons were to be surrendered: On 5 May 1746 the Laird of Grant had 69 muskets, seven bayonets, 34 swords, four dirks, and seven pistols surrendered to him; on 15 May, the MacDonells of Glengarry's surrendered 65 guns (for 77 men), 26 swords, and four dirks, while Keppoch's gave up 98 guns - one gun for each of the men - 22 swords and a dirk. On May 16 orders were given that only 'rebel' arms were to be collected and not those in private hands and only the gentlemen were to be arrested. Local ministers, at Cumberland's orders were engaged in collecting weapons and sending in lists of those who had joined the Rising or had helped in some way. Some six weeks after Culloden, 96 people were listed as still being under arms in Appin, the next day, more firearms were collected; 44 people at Stratherrick near Loch Ness surrendered and handed in 27 guns, three swords, six pistols, and one dirk. On the same day, 25 men of the Inverness-shire parishes of Daviot and Dunlichty handed their weapons into the minister, John Campbell - 10 guns, four swords, and 12 pistols. About the same sort of time 20 men surrendered to the Earl of Loudoun and gave up 16 guns and two swords. On May 19 the HMS Furnace came into Arisaig landed 120 men and 'burnt the house the young Pretender lodg'd att, with two or three villages & brought off two Prisoners' with ammunition and arms. Captain Ferguson met with some resistance 'the hills being crouded with Men in Armes. They had buried some barrals of powder with trains which they sett fire too'. On 19 August, a list of material 'taken from the Rebells' lists five brass cannons; 17 iron cannons up to 9-pounders 1,365 round shot for them, 430 muskets, 211 bayonets, 45 swords, 37 targes and five pairs of pistols. On 31 August 1746, Lord Sempill's regiment brought 295 firelocks 45 pistols, 26 bayonets and 144 swords into Aberdeen. Surrenders continued over a lengthy period: on 11 April 1747, almost a year after Culloden, a further 167 muskets, 32 bayonets, and 22 swords were received from Aberdeen. Two years after Culloden, in May 1748, two surrenders in Aberdeenshire had 20 firelocks, six pistols, seven bayonets, the same number of broadswords, five small swords and a hanger. It was sometimes suggested that they only handed a few weapons or the less good ones, and there were indeed a few arms caches such as the one traditionally supposed to be at Loch 9 50 A. Stewart. 'The Last Chief: Dougal Stewart of Appin (Died 1764), .The Scottish Historical Re,·ie\\·. vo!. 76. no. 202, 1997. pp.203-22I. VERY INDIFFERENTLY ARMED Morlich near Aviemore; smaller weapons like dirks may have been hidden. The Duke of Cumberland was certainly convinced that the Highlanders were hiding weapons. There also seem to have been some weapons brought into Scotland that may never have reached the army for example the Birmingham Gazette in June 1746 reported that: Capt. Ferguson in the Furnace Sloop of War has found in a Cave on the West Coast 800 Stands of Arms. 16 Barrels of Powder. and some Casks with Butter and Brandy. all Which he carried off: They were supposed to be lodged there by the two French Ships which were on that Coast. and wherein 'tis said the young Pretender. with some of his Followers. were carried off. Stands of arms as mentioned here included a firelock. bayonet. bayonet scabbard. cartridge box. bayonet frog .. cartridge box and waist belt. The idea being that a stand of arms was issued together since the recruit then had everything needed to train and fight immediately essentially a complete set for one soldier, a musket, bayonet, cartridge box and belt but sometimes, the musket and bayonet alone. This would have meant that many of the Jacobites had a complete set of French leather work. The lack of pistols in the arms given up is intriguing given that far more were held by the Jacobites than seem to have been handed in. Pittock suggests that they were simply thrown away for lack of shot. It seems likely that the proportions of arms surrendered reflect the proportions of the arms that were actually held. In all these surrenders there were more firearms than swords, overall there are five times as many firelocks as swords were recorded as being handed in. Imported weapons aside, the firearms used by the Jacobites were made in Scotland but not in the Highlands, instead they were made in Dundee, Edinburgh, Aberdeen and Glasgow as well as the east coast towns ofBrechin, Edzell, Oldmeldrum, Elgin, and Doune. Pistols were considered essential items for the Highland officer and cavalry. Pistols were only really effective at short distances of less than approximately 10 yards (nine metres) and sometimes not even then. When the Jacobite army passed through Derby, the Duke of Cumberland's footman was captured. He might have been killed if the 'pistol with, which a Highlander took aim at his head, had not missed fire: They were thought to be even more unreliable when fired from horseback. However, metal pistols were issued to all the Highland regiments in the 18th century, although the soldiers tended to only have one each. The soldiers from the British Government's Independent Highland Companies wore their pistols hung by a hook from a short belt which went under the right shoulder; an officer, who might have had two, could wear the second pistol suspended from the first. Major James Stewart of Perth's, who had five pistols, presumably did not use this method but it appears to have been adopted by the majority of the men in the Jacobite army although there are a couple of accounts of men carrying them in their pockets. Some of the pistols carried would have been privately purchased before the start of the Rising however some would have been issued after 'the road to Dunbar was strewed 51 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID with pistols' following the flight of the two British regiments of Dragoons from Colt Bridge near Corstophine in what was known as the 'Canter of Coltbridge: The unique elements of these pistols were the scroll or ramshorn butt, fluted barrels at the breech, and the octagonal flared muzzles. They were all single-shot type with a flintlock firing mechanism. The barrels were generally approximately 10 to 14 inches (25.4 to 36 centimetres) on the ramshornbutt pattern pistols. Pistols made by Buchanan of Glasgow commonly had a somewhat larger 11 inch (28cm) barrel and half an inch (12.7mm) bore. Some of this type of pistol have an offset butt to the left for a right-handed pistol and vice versa for one designed for the left, the most credible explanation for this being that it allowed the pistol to sit in the hand more comfortably and therefore increased accuracy. This was a more frequent feature of the ramshorn butt pistol which by 1730 had replaced the heart butt pistol as the most common style and most representative of those carried by the Jacobites during the '45. Inlay was an important decorative feature, stars, rondels, diamonds, hearts, and lines were all common. Many of the pistols made from 1725 onwards had an oval silver butt plaque on which were sometimes engraved the initials or the crest of the owner. The ramshorn butt pistols often had a line of inlaid silver tracing the outlines of the horns and the base of the butt. Many of these pistols also had beautiful engravings although on some of the cruder pistols engraving was only really found on the silver inlay, with a little scroll-work on the cock and lock plate. The highland lock had it its own characteristics with a laterally-acting sear passing through the lock plate. A star shaped cock comb is generally considered to be a sign of quality in pistols from the Jacobite period. The majority of the pistols would have been blued although most of the surviving examples have been cleaned and so many of the pistols that are still extant do not retain the blueing. There are very few pictorial sources to help with determine exactly when the basket hilt or claymore (claidheamh mar) or the back sword with only one cutting blade (claidheamh cuil) began to be carried in the Highlands. The word claymore was certainly used to refer to the swords at this time. Boswell thirty years later said 'the broadsword now used, though called the glaymore'. By 1745 the sword become very closely associated with the image of the Highlander although as previously mentioned they were mostly carried by officers, cavalry, and some gentlemen volunteers. The sword itself had developed highland; or certainly Scottish, features. An 'English' guard on a basket hilt from this era consisted mostly of the three vertical bars on either side, the knuckle guard and the secondary connected by a pair of bars crossing diagonally with a small circular plate. The highland guard developed a much larger rectangular plate sometimes decorated with a rough saltire cut out or more frequently with large heart shaped openings amongst small circular ones. In the 'English' hilts, the rear bars or tertiary knuckle guards sloped steeply from the pommel. In highland guards this bar was much closer to vertical and another shorter one was added at the back. Those made in Stirling were in general made up from circular bars while the Glasgow ones tended to be flatter with more ribbon-like bars. Possibly the best swords 52 VERY INDIFFERENTLY ARMED were made in Stirling at this time. Lochiel's sword probably had a Stirling hilt but it was mounted by Colin Mitchell, in the Canongate, Edinburgh with a figure of eight (for James VIII). The hilts were often signed, most famously by Waiter Allan, the hilt maker from Stirling The blade of the basket hilt, as in nearly all Scottish swords, was foreign, imported mostly from Germany and fitted to hilts by the Scottish armourers or sword slippers. The blade, which was approximately 24-31 inches (60-80 centimetres) long, was generally blued for about a third of its length and gilt in places where it was signed, frequently with Andrea Ferrarra after the 16th century swordsmith, or had an inscription like 'with this good sword thy cause I will maintain and for thy sake 0 James will breathe each vein' which was mentioned by Macpherson ofStrathmashie in his account of the skirmish of Clifton. Lord Cromartie's sword was engraved with 'God preserve King James the VIII of Scotland' on one side and 'Prosperity to Scotland and No union' on the other. After Culloden the sword was presented to Lieutenant General James St Clair with the erigravings modified to remove the Jacobite references to read 'God preserve George lId of Great Britain' and 'Prosperity to Scotland and England: \0 The most common kind of filler for the hilt at this period was a half filing of deerskin however if the sword was made specifically for the owner then no filler should have been required although it was sometimes used such as the red velvet in the Prince's sword. It was the Glasgow sword slipper or hilt maker, John Simpson who seems to have been the one who began signing the hilt in the previous century and the second John Simpson who was the primary hilt maker at Glasgow at the time of the Rising. From the will of the latter, a few years after 1745, we can get an idea of the costs of the swords; a small-sword with a silver handle like the one carried by Murray of Broughton was valued at £27 Scots and dressing a sword cost from £1 16s. Scots. to £4 12s. Scots. It was the officers and cavalry who carried these weapons, as demonstrated by the amounts of swords found at Culloden, and subsequently given in at arms surrenders. The Jacobites had access to British long and short pattern firelocks after Preston pans where they were able to collect the discarded guns from the field and Cope's baggage train as well as the assorted civilian guns. On 24 September, a few days after the battle of Prestonpans, Murray wrote to his brother saying that the Jacobite army was more than capable of providing weapons and other equipment for all their soldiers 'we have got above 1000 stand of arms more than we want at present; 2000 targes and 500 tents are furnished by the Town [Edinburgh ... which with what we have got from Cope's armie will serve near double our number. I I However, it is likely that by November or December the majority of the army were using French firelocks since this simplified the production of cartridges and shot. The design for the French model 1717 musket had standardised the smooth bore barrel and flintlock firing mechanism. It had a pinned barrel, similar in design of the British Brown. The model 1717 had a single barrel band at the centre of the 10 Penny London Posr or The Morning Ad,·erriser. May 27 1746. 11 Atholl. Chronicles. p.23. 53 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID barrel, and four iron pipes which held a wooden ramrod. All of the furniture on the gun was iron. The models 1717 and 1728 had a 46-inch {I 16.8cm) barrels, an overall length of 62 inches (l57.48cm), weighed approximately nine pounds (4 kg) and were of .69 calibre. The model 1728 however replaced the pinned barrel with one held in place by three-barrel bands, which would become standard on all subsequent French muskets. The barrel band design was not only easier to take apart for cleaning, but was also sturdier, which was an important consideration in bayonet combat. The lock was also revised, with a longer frizzen spring and a slightly modified cock design. The wooden ramrod was also replaced by an iron ramrod in 1740 so at least some of the guns present on the Jacobite side at Falkirk and Culloden had iron ramrods. The Land Pattern adopted in 1722 formed the basis for all subsequent British army muskets up to the adoption of the 1853 Enfield. The model 1722 Long Land Pattern and the Short Land Pattern used by the British dragoons had a .75 calibre (l9mm with 17.5 mm ball). The Long Land Pattern had a barrel length of 46 inches (l16.8cm) and was the same overall length as the French model 1728 at 62 inches (l57.48cm). It was heavier than its French equivalent at 10.4lbs (4.7 kg). The dragoons' Short Land Pattern had a barrel four inches (lOcm) shorter. Some of the Jacobites wore cartridge boxes that had been supplied as part of the stand of arms sent by the French or those captured from Cope after Prestonpans. These were included specifically in the instructions for collection post Culloden so there were evidently enough about to make it worthwhile. Lord Ogilvy's Regiment were allowed 12 shots each, this was standard issue for many continental armies although the British Army had double this amount at least when in a conflict. Lord Ogilvy's Regiment had strict instructions in their order book not to fire off ammunition 'in the way that they have done: There are similar orders in the Appin order book against wasting shot on hares which does conjure up the picture of some slightly trigger-happy men taking pot shots at anything and everything as they went. Some of the Jacobites also had powder flasks worn on the right hip along with the ball bag One powder flask maker, Marmaduke MacBeath, was out in the '45 with the Edinburgh Regiment. The quartermasters and others ordered considerable amounts of bullets throughout the campaign, thousands in Manchester alone. The Scottish powder horn has a very distinctive appearance, it was generally made from cow horn which was boiled in water and then flattened. The bottom end was sealed with wood and the top had or brass mounts. Many were elaborately decorated and mounted in silver. They seem to have been generally carried by gentlemen who owned their own guns rather than the common soldier. By 1702, the French army was equipped with socket bayonets, and the British a year later, so all the firelocks the Jacobites carried would have had this type of bayonet. The musket could then be loaded and fired with the bayonet fixed. The blade was a triangular spike with deep fullers in the two outer faces, while the inner face was angled away from the muzzle to facilitate reloading. 54 VERY INDIFFERENTLY ARMED Practice should have meant that that the soldiers should have been able to fire two or three rounds per minute (in reality two was more likely) however wooden ramrods slowed them down and all the British guns at least still retained them due to a reluctance on the part of the those in charge to change. However. trying to achieve this rate of fire frequently led to firing too high. For the most part a flintlock was reasonably reliable nevertheless they did sometimes misfire. There were several reasons for this. not least of which could be that the flints were defective. British ones were often reckoned to be poor. Even if the flints were good then they generally needed to be replaced after 10-15 firings. Supply of flint was always an issue for any army. The Jacobite supply of powder was of variable quality during the campaign. however some was clearly good. British gunpowder was always thought to be good. partly because Britain through India had access to a cheap reliable source of saltpetre essential for the production of gunpowder. French gunpowder was less powerful and more likely to lead to misfires. and a soldier might find that instead of wounding or killing a man a spent ball might not inflict that much damage. For example. at the start of March 1746. 367 muskets. 370 bayonets. and '32 double barrels of exceeding fine Spanish powder' were recovered by British forces from the magazine at Corgarff Castle where they had been lodged by Forbes of Pitsligo's men after having been landed by a Spanish privateer at Peterhead in January. The loss of these arms seriously affected the Jacobites. The problem with the quality of powder became immeasurably more difficult. of course. when the gun was exposed to direct rainfall. In the 2005 excavation at Culloden an equal number of French and British army musket balls were recovered suggesting that the Jacobites fired almost twice as much shot as the Government forces. This seems to be borne out by this account from the Newcastle Courant in May 1746: When we saw them coming towards us in great Haste and Fury. we fired at 50 yards distance, which made hundreds fall; not withstanding they were so numerous, that they still advanced, and were almost on us before we had loaden again. We immediately gave them another full fire, the Front rank charged their bayonets breast high, and the Centre and rear ranks kept a continual firing, which in half an hour's time, routed their whole army. Only Barrel's regiment and ours was engaged, the rebels designing to break us or flank us, but our hot was so hot, most of us having discharged nine shot each, that they were disappointed. I' The absolute range of the flintlock was held to be about 300 yards (about 275 metres) and really a good deal less. In reality. accuracy was poor at much over 80 yards (73 metres). It was common for firelock-armed soldiers to shoot high at the best of times. so a sizable percentage of shots must have gone too high. The large amount of smoke produced by a whole company firing together made it very difficult to aim at a target. The barrels got hotter as the guns were fired and after 20 to 30 rounds it would be impossible to hold. 12 S. Rcid. The Flintlock Musket - Brown Bess and Charlel'ille 1715-1865 (Oxford: Osprey, 2016). p.58. 55 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Pittock argues that remnants of the Jacobite drill can be found in places such as the Thriepland of Fingask papers where a Jacobite ritual for feeding dogs ends with: 'Clap your left hand to your stock. and your sight to your firelock. Make. ready. present. Cock. Snap. Fire' words that probably recall the actual Jacobite drill from the '45 which does help to confirm the idea that Charles had created a relatively conventional army which used a combination of French and British tactics and drill. General Hawley issued a set of fighting instructions to his troops shortly before they marched against the Jacobites. advising that: When these Battalions come within a large Musket. or three score yards [60], this front rank gives their fire. & immediately thro' down their firelocks & come down in a cluster with their swords & targets ... The sure way to demolish them is at 3 deep to fire hy ranks diagonally to the Centre where they come. the rear rank first. and even that rank not to fire till they are within 1Oor 12 paces but if the fire is given at a distance you will probably be broke for you will never get time to load a second Cartridge. The guns both sides were carrying were not effective at any distance. but at close range. 21 yards (20 metres) or closer. then they could be devastatingY The dirk. the blades of which were sometimes made from converted swords. was a long knife with a blade from approximately a foot to one and half feet (30 to 45 cm) long. Dirks were generally held in the left hand but could be used in either and. when not being used. were hung on the belt. accessible to either hand. Post-1745 examples tend to be much more elaborate. the surviving examples from the time around the Rising are simpler without a great deal of decoration. The wooden handles made from native wood were often carved with Celtic style knotwork. This is probably a revival rather than a survival of techniques. Some dirks appear to have had a smaller knife in the side also. There were relatively few handed in after Culloden; this was because they could be converted for legitimate domestic purposes. Burt wrote of them: The blade is straight and generally above a foot long, the back near an inch thick the point of the knife goes off like a tuck, and the handle in something like a sickle. They pretend that they can't do well without it, as being useful to them in cutting wood, and upon many other occasions but it is a concealed mischief hid under a plaid, ready for the secret stabbing, and in a close encounter there is no defence against it." At times the Jacobites had considerable amounts of artillery but throughout the campaign they were hampered by a lack of suitable horses. which made it difficult to transport the heavier pieces. and of trained men to operate the cannon. In October 1745 orders were issued to the authorities in Coupar Angus and Forfar to have 40 and 200 carts with horses respectively. ready in two hours. along with artillery horses and billets for 60 men in Forfar. under 'pain of corporal punishment and imprisonment: 15 13 Reid, The Flintlock. pp.27-29. 14 Burt. Lel/er... p.174. 15 Perth and Kinross Archives. B59/30172. 56 VERY INDIFFERENTLY ARMED British infantry drill, c. 1745 (1745). Through the campaign the Jacobite army sought to improve their drill using a mix of British and French drill. Lord Ogilvy ordered that the Serjeants be careful to cause the men to keep their weapons clean and qualify themselves for learning the men their exercise. John Webster, a Chelsea pensioner, taught the 'rebels the exercise of the firelock'. There were others who had served in the independent Highland companies such as Cluny Macpherson who might have been expected to know something about drill. (Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection) 57 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID According to Colonel Grant, one of the professional artillery men with the Jacobites, their artillery was made up of 'thirteen pieces, six whereof were taken from Sir John Cope, six 4-pounders that came from France, and one piece that was brought from Blair of Atholl'.16 At times during the campaign they had more than this but the demands of an army on the move meant that they were not always able to take it with them. Cope's guns were brass 1 Yz-pounder curricle guns, called that because the barrel was mounted on a flat-bottomed curricle whose shafts doubled as the trail. The 4-pounders were also known as 'Swedish' guns, not because they were Swedish but because they were experimental iron-barrelled guns, inspired by the light artillery used by the influential 17th century Swedish tactician Gustavus Adolphus. Unfortunately, these guns had also been rejected by the French authorities for being too complicated and difficult to manufacture. The last, described as an 'octagon' when it was found abandoned at Carlisle, must have been an old brass piece dating back to the sixteenth century. Despite this the Jacobite artillery was rumoured to be strong early on and was therefore of concern to Government agents - they had 'six brass cannon of 4 pounders which they say will fire 11 times in a minutes' as the report went from Dalkeith at the end of October 1745. On 1 November the Prince rode to the palace of Dalkeith. He viewed the cannon now brought together in the park by the Palace. An observer noted that: Seven thereof are French guns, 4 pounders each of brass and the other six (the gallopers) are taken from Sir John Cope. One of the seven saw fired ten times in less than two minutes, the gunners were all French men, about a dozen in number and engineers of the same nation ... There were a vast number of boxes of different sizes lying about the Palace court, out of which I saw great numbers of French Fuzees [muskets], and swords with brass hilts and short crooked blades with new belts disturbed among the men, who were mostly of Duke of Perth's Lord Ogilvy's and Glenbucket's regiment. Many of the boxes contained cannon balls, musket bullets, biscuits and cheese, and besides there were a good many barrels of gunpowder. 17 On 24 November, the La Renommee brought a delivery of two 18-pounders, two 12-pounders, and 9-pounders into Montrose harbour. 'As well as a number of the ship's cannon [probably swivel guns] which were formed into a shore battery'. The London Gazette on 3 December 1745 said' We have Advice, that at Four this Morning, the Pretender's Son entered Derby with 450 Horse, and 5300 Foot. -The rest, with the Artillery and Baggage, were then at Ashbourne but set forward this Evening for DerbY: Thirteen guns had gone south with the army - the six 'Swedish' cannon and the six brass 1Yz pounders captured from Cope and an iron gun in a cart. In the England 16 Pittock, Mvlh, p.175. 17 C. Duffy, Fighl for a Throne: The Jacohile 45 Reconsidered (Solihull: Helion & Co. 2015) p.149. 58 VERY INDIFFERENTLY ARMED the Jacobites attempted to obtain the horses that they desperately needed for their artillery and cavalry: You are hereby Commanded immediately to Seize and press within your Township good and able Carriage horses with Cart Saddles and geers and to bring the same to where the Train of Artillery & Wagons ... to where the Train of Artillery and Waggons now lye to the number of 150 horses with proper Carriages such as Carts &c for at least sixty of those for Carrying the above Train & other Carriages belonging to the Army under his Royal Highness. IH On the way to Shap some of the carts broke. Lord George Murray 'got the men to carry to Shap a good many cannon balls: 19 On 7 January 1746, the St lames Post gave an account of the 'Brass and iron ordnance taken in Carlisle' and there 'Nere six brass one and half pounder guns with carriages [dearly the ones taken from Cope 1; a brass octagon gun with carriage; three brass four pounder guns with carriages; four brass coehorn mortars and two royals. On 13 December, the Irish Picquets apparently had one 16-pounder gun and another smaller gun with them; unfortunately, there was no report of its poundage. On 23 January 1746, the army had two brass 16-pounders presumably the same ones that the Piquets had used, two 12-pounders and four 8-pounders, in Glasgow. After Falkirk in January 1746, the Jacobites seized the wagons in the Government supply train and picked up a Auguslin Heckel. 'The Battle of Culloden: April 16th 1746' (1746). This contemporary print of Culloden shows the huge amount of fire power that was deployed on both sides at the battle. Afterwards 30 guns. 2.320 muskets 1,500 cartridges 1,019 cannon rounds amongst other weapons were captured and much more was thrown away in flight. (Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection) 18 W. Blaikie. The Highlanders at Macclesfield in 1745', The Seal/ish Historical Re\'iev.: 6(23), 1909, pp.225-244. 19 Athol, Chronicles, p.1 06. 59 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID considerable number, probably about 600, of the discarded firelocks, British Long land pattern mostly; six 'light pieces' of artillery; two infantry colours; a kettle drum; gunpowder from the 28 carts -approximately 4000 pounds (1.8 tonnes) - tents and plenty of shot and as well as three dragoon guidons. 20 As they went north after Falkirk the Jacobites took 17 small cannon, they had left 138- and 12-pounders and 14 swivel guns at Perth. They had hoped to use 4, 6, 8, and 9 pounders at Aberdeen and with that in mind they were taken up the east coast; other cannons were spiked at Montrose. At Fort William, the Jacobites were quite well supplied with artillery including a 14- or 12-pounder, five 6-pounders, two swivel guns and several coehorn mortars - the smallest of the standard mortars named after their Dutch inventor. They also used 16 to 18 lb bombs, although the British army captured or spiked a 6-pounder, three 4-pounders, and three mortars which impeded their efforts considerably. Colonel Grant was wounded at the siege of Fort William in March 1746 and his absence because of his wounds at Culloden the next month clearly impacted on the effectiveness of the Jacobite artillery, as without him the untrained gunners struggled. The British army was much more equipped to support an artillery train. On the other hand, despite the figure normally given for Jacobite artillery deployed at Culloden, the British Army captured thirty guns after the battle - three 1.5-pounders, 11 3-pounders, four brass 4-pounders, four iron 4-pounders, and eight highly portable, light-weight swivel guns. Putting the numbers together is difficult and it is very hard to come up with any sort of total for the amount of artillery but during the campaign, two IS-pounders, the two brass 16-pounders, one 14-pounder, three 12-pounders, two 9-pounders, 13 S-pounders, unspecified number of 6-pounders (at least five, Pittock states), eight 4-pounders - four brass and four iron, 11 3-pounders, six 1.5-pounders, nine mortars and 22 swivel guns are mentioned. There may be others and some of these are possibly repeated; added together, this would seem to give the Jacobite Army over SO cannon and mortars in total which is rather more firepower than it is often credited with. z, 20 Athol. Chronicles. p.12S. 21 Pittock. Ml"lh. pp.176-178. 60 6 Accoutrements o brother Sawney, hear you the news? Twang'em, we'll bangem and hang'em up An army is just coming without any shoes. l The supply of shoes seems to have been a problem for both sides. From the start of Rising supplies of shoes, as well as targes, tents and other equipment were ordered by the Jacobites. 'The camp at Duddeston was provided in tents by the poor town of Edinburgh; and to reimburse all these expences of tents shoes and broges &c. the inhabitants are taxed at 2sh. 6d. per pownd sterling of there re all rent quhich commenced the collecting it October 7. 2 In Perth in early September, Lord George Murray ordered that each man should be issued with a pock - a bag or haversack so that their rations could be issued and carried. Many of the men will also have had a simple market wallet made from linen that they carried over their shoulder with a change of clothes and other necessities. Those in Highland dress could use their plaids in the same way. The Reverend Bisset remembered watching the army march out of Aberdeen and noted that they had on their wallets and their pocks. There are also several references in the orderly books to keeping canteens filled. Of course, officers and gentlemen volunteers had for the most servants who had might be expected to carry changes of clothes, shaving equipment. Every company was supposed to have two pack horses, besides the officers' servants with their cloak bags etc. Despite the apparent organisation noted in orderly books, the Jacobite baggage train was mostly improvised from carts taken from farmers and heavy wagons. Many of these struggled with poor roads, and the weather in the winter as the Army returned over Shap to Scotland. In September, in Edinburgh, tents, targes, shoes, and canteens were ordered. There were 1,000 tents big enough to hold six men although apparently some of the highlanders did not like the tents and preferred to sleep outside: These were then divided up between the companies. 'Also ordered were 6000 'pans ready for their victuals: and shoes and stockings. 2 1745 version or Lillibullero. Crichton. WoodllOlIselee .'viS. p.68. 61 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID The necessity for good footwear intensified after Edinburgh due to the nonstop marching that the Jacobites undertook throughout the winter, especially since the Highlanders mostly wore thin pumps or brogues which did not stand up to continuous walking on roads. Therefore, almost all the shoes had to be replaced. Burt described their shoes as 'brogues or pumps without heels. By the way, they cut holes in their brogues. though new made, to let out the water: At home it was not unknown for men. and more commonly women, to walk around barefoot; however, the demands of the march made this very unlikely. Some poorer men wore currans: 'a kind of pumps, made out of raw cowhide, with the hair turned outward, which being ill-made, the wearer's foot looked something like those of a rough footed hen or pigeon. These are called quarrants'. 3 In October 1745 Murray wrote to his brother William that he was 'extremely anxious to get the men. Herefor at present I could get them supplied with guns, targets, tents and those who went them shoes also: On October 10 the Order Book for Ogilvy's regiment records that the 'Captains should make records of any that still need shoes: On 19 November. a further 307 pairs of shoes were ordered for 3s. 6d. a pair, while on 25 November; another 300 pairs were ordered from John Sturrock in Forfar for 2s. per pair. Still more orders went in on 3 December for an additional 97 pairs, 10 December 170 pairs were ordered for Cromartie's, at 2s. 6d. for a pair, and on Christmas Eve a further 262 pairs of shoes were ordered. 87 pairs shoes were ordered for the Mackintosh Battalion at £1318s. 4 A report in the London Evening Post in November 1745 stated that 'All travellers are obliged to wear a cockade for safety. You may walk through Edinburgh without seeing a person that belonging to the town. All the shops are shut up, there being no such thing as Traffick unless the making of shoes for highlanders'. The Glasgow Corporation Minutes for the 8 September 1746 record that the Prince demanded that Glasgow equip his army with: 6,000 short cloath [cloth) coats, 12,000 linen shirts, 6,000 pairs of shoes and a like number of pairs oftartan hose and blue bonnets. The Earl of Kilmarnock made provision in his will for the shoemakers of Elgin as he had commissioned 70 pairs of shoes for his soldiers and had not paid for them. The shoes worn with highland dress had low heels, thin soles and tended to be tied rather than fastened with a buckle as was common in 'lowland' dress. They were suited to walking over rough ground but were less suited to marching on rough roads hence the necessity for so many replacements as the army marched. It was the colour of the cockade. white for the Jacobites and black for the Government, that marked their different allegiances since in many other respects they dressed the same. In the previous century, clansmen had worn badges in their hats or pinned to their coats to help differienate themselves from other clans. Clan Donald and its associates wore heather, Clan 3 4 62 Bun. Lel/en. p.232. Pittock. Myth. p.l73. ACCOUTREMENTS McFarlane wore the Scottish cranberry, and the Campbells wore the bog myrtle. The recognised badge of the Highland army was the white cockade made from linen or silk and was generally worn on the hat. The white cockade had been worn in the 1715 Rising as well. The wearing of cockades was an important mark of identification at a time when not all soldiers had a uniform and even those who did could be fighting an opposition with a very similar one. Major Donald MacDonell of Tiendrish when he was captured by men from Barrell's Regiment at the Battle of Falkirk tried to hide himself by saying he was one of the Government's Campbells, his white cockade was so dirty since it had been raining heavily and it was covered. The Government Highland companies wore a black cockade with a red cross worn like a saltire on their bonnets. During the trials of the Jacobite prisoners of the' 45, the wearing of the white cockade was accepted as proof of guilt, since as one witness said 'we thought every man who wore it had joined the rebels: Charles Allan, a cooper's servant from Leith, was described as wearing a white cockade and fighting with the rebels. James Lindsay, a shoe maker from Perth who was a sergeant in Lord Strathallan's Regiment, had a white cockade with 'Nemo me impune lacesset', the Stuart motto since the 16th century, embroidered on it. Major David Stewart, brother of Ardvorlich was seen at Dunblane dressed and armed like a rebel highlander wearing a white cockade. Robert Anderson, a brewer, was also described as wearing a white cockade. Oswald James, gardener at Tuilbardine who marched with the rebel army, wore the white cockade and bore arms. At the trial of Colonel Townsley, who commanded the Manchester Regiment, Sir John Strange said that he wore 'a white cockade and a plaid sash as a mark of his authority'. Counsellor Morgan from Manchester seems to have suffered similarly as the report of his trial makes dear as he is described as 'being seen both on foot and horseback with a sword and a white cockade'. ' The majority of troops that were wearing Highland dress also carried a target or targe. This was notwithstanding that Murray of Broughton had written a few years before the Rising that the act of targe making had long been neglected and that it was difficult to find anyone acquainted with their 5 Wea ring the white cockade was taken as proof in the trial depositions that that a man was a Jacobite. One w itness sa id tha t he t hought every man who had one ha d joined the rebels. For exa mple, at the trial of Major David Stewart, brother of Ard vorl ich, part o f the evid ence broug ht aga in st him was that he was seen at Dunbla ne dressed and armed like a rebel Highlander wearing a w hite Cockade. Thi s could o f course work bot h ways and a Government sym apthi ser wear ing a white cockade could also act as spy in the Jacobi te camp. (National Mu se um s Scotl and) Anon. All authelltick lIarrati,'e of the whole proceedillgs of the court at St. Margaret:, Hill, Southwark, ill the 1II0llths ofJUlle, Ju~, ' alld August. 1746 (London: B. Cole.1746). p.2: B. Seton. & J.G.Amot. Prisollers of the '45 (Edinburgh : Scottish History Society. 1929). p.324. 63 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID construction. On 10 October Lord Ogilvy ordered all the officers of his regiment to provide themselves in targets from armourers in Edinburgh. It appears that the men in Ogilvy's Regiment at least already had targes provided for them; however, the officers had to provide their own. This may explain some of the pricing in Perth on 15 November 1745,120 targes were ordered by the laird of Gask from William Lindsay, at the cost of £30 14s. 6d. sterling. On the 16 January 1746 there were orders for 242 more targes for Strathallan and 24 'hyds leather from the tannage' which cost £16 16 s as well 'goat skins, wood, nails' for £15 10s and 'Officers targets' at £1 the pair. 6 A targe was a small round shield about 20-27 inches (approximately 5070 centimetres) across and weighing 4.4-7.7 pounds (2-3.5 kilogrammes) depending on whether or not the targe had metal studs. The inside of the targe was made from two very thin layers of flat wooden board, with the grain of each layer at right angles to the other. They were fixed together with small wooden pegs. Most targes had their back covered with cow or goat skin, the Prince's beautiful targe however had jaguar hide but, despite this, was made in Scotland. 7 The padding for the targes was mostly straw and fleece beneath the leather. The leather was fixed to the wood with brass, or in a few cases, silver, nails, and occasionally brass plates were also fastened to the face for strength and decoration. Some targes had centre bosses of brass, and a few of these also had a long steel spike. Half an ell is given as the length for this, that is 18.5 inches (47 centimetres), and it screwed into a small 'puddle' oflead fixed to the wood, under the boss. When not in use, the spike could be unscrewed and placed in a sheath on the back of the targe and there is at least one targe still extant in a private collection which shows this feature. There were some steel targes: certainly in the 17th century which appear in the account books, for example an Islay account of 1639 recorded £20 Scots as being paid for mending of'thrie steil targes and for covering thame of lather'. Even as late as 1745 Glenbucket carried a steel targe described by Lord George Murray as convex and covered with painted metal. On the march to Derby, Charles Edward was described by eyewitnesses leading on foot at the head of the army with his targe over his shoulder. A targe characteristically was decorated with two general patterns concentric circles, or a centre boss with lesser bosses around this. There are a few obvious exceptions, such as a targe in Perth Museum which has a star design. Although some targe designs appear to have been more popular than others, there is very little to indicate that there ever were clan designs as such. The nearest to a clan design are the four identical targes which came from the family armoury at Castle Grant. The ones that were made up in large batches for the men in '45 were probably less individual in design than those made 6 7 64 C. Grant. 'Glenbucket's Regiment of Foot, 1745-46', Journal of the Socie~lIor Army Historical Research 28, no. 113. 1950. pp.31-41; C. Stewarl Henderson 'Order Book of the Appin Regiment from 11th October 1745 to 18th January 1746'. The Stell'arts. vol IX. No 2, 1952, p.137. See discussion of the Prince's targe in Forsyth. (ed). Bonnie Prince Char/ie. p.86, and targes in general in S. Maxwell, 'The Highland Targe', The Sco/lish Art Rel'iell', Special Number. (1963). p.2-5. ACCOUTREMENTS before the Rising. The Prince's targe had silver mounts replacing the brass plates and studs which decorated most targes, at the centre, a Medusa with the spike in the mouth. It is possible that Lord George Murray owed his life to his targe, which was nicked with bullets during the skirmish at Clifton. Despite this many of the men were not keen on them and by Culloden they do not seem to have been carried by many; either having been discarded or just left in the baggage and not retrieved. This may also account for the relative absence of them from weapons surrenders after Cull od en. Thirty years after Culloden during his tour of the Highlands Boswell wrote that it was impossible to see any. 65 7 An Assembly of Harlequins The Colonels and other officers are forbid to have any wheel carriages And are likewise forbid to suffer any women to follow their regiment but those they really know to be married. No man whatever is to be suffered on horseback with a woman behind him, nor any baggage horse is to mix with the ranks or among the regiments. l Pat rick Crichton described the entry of the army into Edinburgh. I saw the cavillcade and all the Highland wifes along with the bagage, and 3 or 400 men as a gwarde. They crossed the Lintown rod I was walking along to Edinburgh and I was a little alarmed to be within ther hale becaws the straglers of all bagag men ar iregular but they were in tope spirits with the prospect of a warme qwarters and plenty, upon the kind Lord Provosts invitation.' There were a large number of women and children who travelled with the army as was normal for armies of this period. They were expected to cook, wash clothes, tend to injuries and mend. Pittock estimates that the baggage may have been as many as 2,000 people. The Appin order book records an order that 'Colonels will be answerable if any women be suffered in quarters but those that are married' which implies that there were both married and unmarried women around the army. There are at least the 56 'regimental' women identified in The Prisoners of the '45 such as Mary Mackenzie, a follower of Cromartie's Regiment, Margaret Shaw, spinner or Elizabeth MacFarlane aged 30, seamstress as well as the elite women such as Lady Ogilvy and at least fifteen children; another twelve others can be added who were taken up with or near the Jacobite army on campaign. When the Jacobites left the garrison in Carlisle retreating from England in December 1745, they also left behind a small community of women and children who had travelled with them. Cumberland gave the keeper of Appleby Gaol a 2 66 B. Seton & D. Ogilvy, The Order~l' Book of Lord Ogihy\ Regimenl In lire Army of Prince Charles Ed",ard SII/Grl. 100clobel: 1745. 1021 April. 1746. Society for Army Historical Research (London: The Cloister Press, 1923, pp.270-281. Crichton, Woodhol/selee MS, p.23. AN ASSEMBLY OF HARLEQUINS written order to imprison 63 Jacobites and the nine women who were with them. There were also the 'two strum pots' as Lord George Murray referred to the women who drowned as the army crossed the Esk. After the Rising some women were transported such as Isabel Chalmers, who had been attached to Glengarry's Regiment. These women came, like the men in the army, from all over Scotland. Despite reports of 150 women seen in arms, there is absolutely no convincing evidence that this occurred at any time. A letter, ostensibly written by Oliphant of Gask to his sister, was printed in France for distribution in mainland Europe to raise the hopes ofJacobite sympathisers outwith Britain, which purported to offer a detailed account of the army's progress in Scotland and the unwavering loyalty of the people also spoke about a regiment of women who were dressed in men's clothes to support the Prince. Sadly, there were actually no legions of Amazons with the Prince instead there were ordinary women with the army doing sewing, mending cleaning, washing and cooking - and of course the 'stumpots'. These women were dressed in the same as women from the areas in which they lived, allowing for differences in social class, despite the images in the contemporary press of the semi-legendary Jenny Cameron or Lady Ogilvy who drew a sword to proclaim King James beside her husband. These latter cases were used more to highlight the transgressive nature of the Jacobites as rebels going against the natural order of things such as a woman with a sword than as a record of what Jacobite women looked like.) The most distinctive item of clothing that many highland women wore was an arisaid (earasaid). The arisaid was worn by women as an outdoor item of clothing. It was made from coloured, sometimes striped or tartan, cloth, generally but not always wool (it could be silk) worn over the shoulders, fastened with a brooch and hanging low towards the ankles. So, in other words it was a form of plaid. Burt described it clearly: The Plaid is the undress of the ladies, and to a genteel woman who adjusts it with a good air, is a becoming veil. It is made of silk or worsted chequered with various lively colours, two breadths wide, and three yards in length; it is brought over the head and may hide or discover the face according to the wearer's fancy or occasion: it reaches to the waist behind; one corner falls low as the ankle on one side, and the other part in folds hangs down from the opposite arm.4 From this description it is clear that the arisaid was an outer garment. It was three yards (approximately 2.75m) long and made from two sections of joined cloth just like the belted plaid; as such it was the same length as the lowland plaid and used in much the same way. It does not by the mid-18th century seem to have been worn belted as described by Martin Martin at the turn of the century but instead pulled over the head as in Burt's description. 3 4 Pittock. Malerial Cullure. p.87. A. Quye. & H. Cheape.. Rediscovering the Arisaid·. Coslllme. 42: 1.2013. pp.I-20. 67 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID Women wearing this can be seen in the drawings of the Independent Highland companies just before the Rising and in a few of Sand by's drawings of Edinburgh. Arisaids were often red or yellow on a pale or white background, sometimes striped rather than tartan, and they seem to have been fastened sometimes with a brooch. 'They are striped with green, scarlet and other colours', said one contemporary writer although Burt described them as chequered e.g. tartan and the women wearing them as 'an assembly of harlequins'. It appears from dye analysis carried out relatively recently that it was the imported dyes that gave the bright colours to arisaids; the reds/ yellows from cochineal, lac, and madder and the blues from woad and/or indigo as in the many of the tartans from this period. 5 Elite women - Lady Ogilvy, Lady Broughton, and others who travelled with the army -would for the most part have worn riding habits since that was the normal travelling costume for those who could afford it. Mrs Murray was seen at Prestonpans on horseback in hussar uniform and supposedly with a sabre in her hand although this description was possibly intended more to highlight the nature of the Jacobites as going against the natural order of things rather than as an accurate reflection of what she was carrying since the same is also said about 'Jenny' Cameron, who apparently wore :1 green riding habit with a scarlet lapel trimmed with gold, a velvet cap, and also carried a naked sword. 6 Much in the same way as the harlequin image of the Prince in tartan was a parody of what he and his supporters wore.' Most of the plebeian women who travelled with the army as wives or those who 'wash and Sew' or even 'strumpots' would have looked little different to working class women from Inverness, Dunbar, or Appin. They wore a white linen smock or shift and, just like the men, the possession of white linen and ability to change often was an indicator of wealth and status - with boned stays over the top of their linen providing a respectable silhouette. Boning could be whalebone, straw, reeds and sometimes leather. Styles talks about leather stays that were sometimes worn by the labouring poor, and there is an extant pair at Killerton in England which were covered by in worsted cloth. Coloured or striped linen petticoats sometimes quilted for warmth and to hold their skirts out to something closer to the fashionable shape; a linen apron often made from checked or striped fabric, generally linen, and a short tartan or linen jacket or a simple linen or wool gown for best, as can be seen in Sandby's pictures from Edinburgh or the stamped linen gown that was hastily made up for the Charles Edward to be Flora MacDonald's servant Betty Burke. It's likely that some of the poorer women's clothes or aprons would have been made from osnaburg, a coarse linen that was woven in Scotland, as would some of the men's shirts. Lowland women wore linen caps as was the fashion in England. They carried their often, meagre possessions: sewing kits and/or knitting needles and spindles, since many of them are described knitting, sewing, or mending and spinning as well as 5 6 7 68 Quye. & Cheape, 'Rediscovering the Arisaid', pp.I-20. Dunbar. COS/lime, p.1 0 I. Pittock, My/h. p.89. AN ASSEMBLY OF HARLEQUINS any spare clothes in bundles or baskets or wrapped in blankets or arisaids. 8 Many of the army would have had to mend, or have mended by women like Mary Mackenzie, their clothes on the march. John Anderson, a merchant in Perth, received an order from Donald Cameron, an officer in Locheil's, for a batch of300 yards of 'Course harne [linen cloth) ... 45 needles and 6 ounces Thread: 9 Married highland women wore a white linen cloth tied at the back of the head called a kertch (breid). This was supposed to be tied in three corners symbolic of the Holy Trinity. In John MacDonald's poem, Tha Tighinn Fodham Eirigh [I am minded to rise). The poet described women as Breid caol an caradh crannaig orr [wearing tight pulpit-shaped kertches). Martin described the kertch as a 'fine kerchief of linen strait [tight) about the head, hanging down the back taper-wise: The linen was starched and pinned around the head. Young, unmarried Highland girls wore their uncovered hair plaited with ribbons or a fillet of coloured cloth [stiom): 'the ordinary girls wear nothing on their heads until they are married ... except sometimes a fillet of red or blue cloth: 10 Frequently accounts mention women going without their knitted stockings and shoes, or least taking them off to walk about at home but most did own them and given the cold and distances that the army travelled it seems likely they would have worn them whilst on the march. However, these fashions were not hard and fast and certainly many elite women from the lowlands adopted tartan as part of their wardrobes to show support for the cause or wore Jacobite symbols such as the dragon-fly, the white rose, or the blackbird. I I Alternatively these symbols were incorporated onto their clothes such as the silk dress embroidered with roses said to have been worn by Margaret Oliphant of Gask at the Great Ball at Holyrood after the Battle of Prestonpans, this dress can now be seen at the National Museum of Scotland. Fans were frequently used as propaganda objects and Jacobite ones showing Charles were handed out at Holyrood at the apogee of his power to the young women who flocked to a ball there. Young English Jacobite women like Elizabeth Byrom in towns and cities such as Manchester where there were strong elements ofJacobite support also bought themselves gowns to celebrate the victory at Prestonpans. Her gown was blue and white. Blue was chosen as it was the colour of the Jacobite sympathisers in England and Wales; because of the colour's association with the Virgin Mary but it was also associated with the 'true blue Tory' who disliked all foreigners and for the most part included the house of Hanover in that, so counted themselves as British patriots with Jacobite sympathies. 12 White had long been a colour associated with the Stuarts - Charles I had been known as the 'White King', the white rose had been a symbol of the Stuarts since the exclusion crisis of 1679-82. White was associated with Scotland both as a pun on the gaelic for Scotland, Alba, and its similarity 8 9 10 11 12 J. Styles. The Dress o{the Common People (London: Yale University Press. 2007). p 21. Pinock. Myth. p.I72. Dunbar. Cosll/me. pp.99-1 00. Pinock. Material CI/ltl/re. p.22. Pillock. Material Culture. p.74: Forsyth (ed.), Bonnie Prince Char/ie, pp.180-192. 69 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID with the latin word for white (albus). White cockades had been worn by Jacobites in both the 1715 and 1745 Risings. Blue and white ribbons were handed to men on the streets of Manchester to try and persuade them to join up. The Prince on entering Perth wore a 'blue velvet bonnet, laced with silver with a white rose in centre of the top' whereas his officers wore their white cockades to one side. Samuel Maddox, an apprentice who had joined the Manchester Regiment turned King's evidence and testified that Mr Deacon 'as he sat and wrote down the names of those who enlisted, he made white and blue ribbons into favours, which he gave to the enlisted: I3 The white and tartan dresses that were worn by women who were sympathetic to the cause and many were bought during the time that the army was in Edinburgh. Lengths of white ribbon embroidered with the image of a highlander with a targe, white cockade and sword are supposed to have been given to supporters during the' 45. Before the 1715 Rising, white gloves with liberty embroidered on them had been sold in Edinburgh. 14 In 1745, Edinburgh it was reported that 'Ladies in general, are in love with the Pretender's Son's Person, and wear white Breast-Knots and Ribbons in his Favour, in all their private Assemblies: 15 Lady Nairn and her three daughters distributed white cockades in Perth in October 1745. In 1746, Lady Mackintosh's household in Inverness-shire bought 'white riband' to make cockades. Later that year after Culloden, 'the Jacobite gentlewomen of Montrose got on white gowns and white roses, [and) made a procession through the streets'. Colonel Townley of the Manchester Regiment had his tartan sash lined with white silk. 16 James Ray, the government volunteer and writer said that 'some of the pretty Jacobite witches chose to distinguish themselves by wearing plaid breast knots, ribbons and garters garters tied above the knee which may be remonstranced as being dangerous to the constitution for that above a ladies' knee is so attracting of a quality as to endanger his Majesty good subject: 17 Jacobite ladies in London went one better and wore green sprigs, also a Stuart colour, covered in gold and silver leaf. Charles sometimes wore a green ribbon instead of a white cockade; he was described on 3 September as wearing a 'white coat, a lac'd hat with a green ribbon: 18 According, to one observer the Jacobite ladies went in a 'rage for tartan', using it in gowns, riding clothes, bed and window curtains, shoes, and pin cushions. In 1746, the Commander-in-Chief of Scotland after the '45, the Earl of Albemarle, conducted a 'raid on tartan dresses' when he learned of a plan by the ladies of Edinburgh to have a ball in honour of Prince Charles's birthday - complete with tartan stockings and white ribbons: this turned out to be an elaborate joke. Other smaller sartorial symbols appeared in the form of items such as garters. These, as with the ribbons also made during 13 Anon, An authentick narratil'e of the 1I'/lOle proceedings of the court at St. Margaret \ Hill. Southll'QI-k, in the months ofJune. Jull' and August. 1746. (London: B Cole. 1746). pp.3-5. 14 Pitlock, Material Culture, pp.74-75. 15 Pittock, Maerial Culture, p.84; Perth & Kinross Archives B59/30172. 16 Pittock, Material Culture, p.74; Perth & Kinross Archives B59/30172. 17 Ray, Compleat History, pp.184-185. 18 Pittock. Material Culture, p.23, 70 AN ASSEMBLY OF HARLEQUINS the' 45, mirror the Prince's fortunes: Our Prince is brave, our cause is just; In God alone we put our trust God bless the Prince who had long since a right to the crown; then We fight in armour bright to pull usurpers down; The Glorious at last Triumphant Prince Charles and Come let us with one heart unite to bless the Prince for whom we fight (these last were tartan). Although for women the audience for these garters were obviously small, but they may have been used as way of assuring the recipient of secret communications that the sender was in good faith. A letter sent on 2 November 1745 thanks the sender for 'yours with the garter'. 19 What Charles Edward wore in his guise as Betty Burke gives us an idea of what some of his female followers may have been wearing as they travelled into England, although possibly finer than some. The Prince as Betty Burke wore a stamped linen gown with a purple sprig design, a white linen apron, a light coloured quilted petticoat, which would have held out the skirts of the gown, and what is described as a mantle after the Irish fashion, made from camlet. Camlet is a mixed wool silk cloth - the Prince himself had a coat made from it and it was a reasonably common choice for items like riding habits. The cloak had a large hood which helped to conceal the more masculine aspects of his face. The gown worn by the Prince was kept and Flora MacDonald's stepfather, Hugh MacDonald, sent a swatch of it to the Jacobite linen manufacturer, Stewart Carmichael at Bonnyhaugh in Leith, as a pattern to stamp other gowns from. The gown was subsequently reproduced for sale very successfully, on Carmichael's return from imprisonment in London after the Rising, to Jacobite women. This pattern of dress functioned as a subtle way of communicating political sympathies amongst like-minded women. 'Pray give my compliments to Mr. Carmichael, and tell him ifhe has got any of Betty Burk's gowns ready he may send me 6, and I shall remit the money by some safe hand to him: 20 A blue strip of ribbon from the Prince's garters (which according to Bishop Forbes were French, blue velvet and covered upon one side with white silk and fastened with buckles), a string taken from the apron of the Prince's female disguise, and a piece of red velvet from his sword hilt were kept in the front cover of volume four of The Lyon in Mourning, while the shoes that he wore as Betty Burke were supposed have been used to drink toasts from on special occasions. 19 Pittock, Material Cllltllre, p.79. 20 Letter from Dr John Bunon 10 Bishop Forbes. 24 March 24 1748, quoled in Paton (ed.), The Lyon in MOllrning, Vol.lI, p.258. 71 8 Stripped of Our Arms Dar armaibh gar faileadh 'sgar rusgadh. Ma mhaitheas sinn so, Cho luaithe ri roth, Nitear trailleagan uile dar duthaich; Gun lomar mar ghiadh sinn A spionar 'sa chitsinn, '5 gun sparrar oirnn briogais mar mhutan; Gach aodach us tartan, Gum feannar sinn asda, '5 gun sparrar oirnn casag gu buirt oirnn. And stripped of our arms and our clothing; If this we condone, As quick as wheel's turn Every man of our country's enslaved; Like a goose in the kitchen We'll be plucked till we're naked, And breeches thrust on us for clothing; Our dress and our tartan Will both be stripped from us, And black coats forced on us to mock us.' After the Battle of Culloden, laws were brought into force in 1747 which fundamentally changed Highland life. An act on Heritable Jurisdictions removed much of the chief's power since he could no longer sit in judgment on his tenants; what were sometimes called the 'right of pit and gallows'. Another act sought to prevent the Episcopalian non-jurist meetings since they had provided much of the support for the Jacobites. Secondly, and more importantly for the scope of this book, a Disarming Act was passed. It banned anyone in the Highlands from owning or concealing weapons, hence Brosnachadh eile do na gaildeil- Alexander MacDonald. 72 STRIPPED OF OUR ARMS the weapons surrenders mentioned in Chapter Four. There was also a section of the act which applied to the whole of Scotland: No Man or Boy, within that Part of Great Britain called Scotland, other than such as shall be employed as Officers and Soldiers in His Majesty's Forces, shall on any Pretence whatsoever, wear or put on the Clothes commonly called Highland Clothes [that is to say] the Plaid, Philabeg, or little kilt, Trowse, Shoulder Belts, or any part whatsoever of what peculiarly belongs to the Highland Garb; and that no Tartan, or party-coloured Plaid or Stuff shall be used for Great Coats, or for Upper Coats, shall suffer imprisonment, without bail, during the space of six months, and no longer; and being convicted for a second offence before a court of justiciary or at the circuits, shall be liable to be transported to any of his Majesty's plantations beyond the seas, there to remain for a space of seven years. A few things should be noted here. Firstly, the act only applied in Scotland, so tartan could be worn with impunity in England and elsewhere. Additionally, nothing was done about tartan worn by gentry men or the 'maud' of the lowlands. Secondly it did not apply to women, who could and did continue to wear tartan. It was perfectly legal for women to be dressed head to toe in tartan and there were, for example, very popular 'Betty Burke' tartan gowns made in Edinburgh and sold in the late 1740s. The British Government was not worried about women wearing tartan because despite rumours about Jacobite ladies taking up arms during the Rising, women would not constitute a large part of any potential new Jacobite force. Lastly, tartan itself was not banned. Highland dress was, and the wearing of tartan as an outer garment for men; that is to say the use of tartan in the way it had been used by the Highland Army was banned - as a uniform or livery. The aim was to prevent the use of tartan as a uniform by anyone except the British Army. Cumberland certainly thought that tartan was the highlanders 'uniform. Tartan did continue to surface as means of protest and as marker of Jacobitism. The poet Duncan B~m Macintyre fought on the Government side in the '45 but his 'Song to the Breeks' is written about the Disarming Act. 'N uair dh'jhaig e sinn mar phroisanaich/Gun chlaidheamh/ gun chrios tarsuinn oirnn/ Cha n-fhaigh sinn pris nan dagachan' [Since he's left us like prisoners/Without our dirks, without our guns/Without our belts, Without our swords/We may not even pistols have]. The whole of the north of Scotland, in particular was blamed - the idea of all Jacobites being Highlanders meant that everyone in the highlands was punished regardless of their actual affiliation. Lachlan Macpherson of Strathmashie complained in fairly straight forward terms that 'ha chlereichan 's chan easbaigean/Chun a bharr an t- Seisein mi/Ach a bhriogais leibideach/Nach deanadh anns na preasan clan' [It's not ministers or bishops/That kept me off the session/But the irritating breeches/That could make no babies in the bushes]. Portraits were not covered under the Act, and so Flora MacDonald, a Jacobite heroine, became popular: since her portrait was definitely Jacobite imagery but not as dangerous as images of the Prince or his father which certainly in the years following the Rising were still unsafe to display in public 73 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID up to at least 1760. Other sitters had themselves painted in tartan either as a challenge to the Government, which a picture like John Campbell of the Bank may have been intended as, but other portraits may have been intended to reclaim tartan from the rebellious Jacobites; certainly, many members of the elite had themselves and their families painted wearing tartan and Highland dress during the period of proscription. Tartan in this context does not seem to have been much interest to the authorities. However plebeian men were arrested for wearing tartan or Highland clothes at least until the end of the 1750s, and even this was inconsistently applied depending on where the man lived so that a man in the Lowlands could be treated very differently to someone in an area of the Highlands that was perceived to have had strong Jacobite sympathies. 2 Not a single elite man was ever arrested for wearing tartan clothing. Up to the end of 1750s the Jacobites themselves produced propaganda and items which still anticipated the active possibility of the return of the Prince and some of his key supporters who were in exile to fight for the cause. Charles Edward continued to be presented as a warlike Prince who had escaped and could come back. In the post Culloden period some of the best engravings of the Prince were produced. The display of an engraving of the Prince in the Batchelors' Common Room at Corpus Christi College, Oxford caused a scandal in 1754. It wasn't until 1759, that the real possibility of a return had began to fade and at that point there was a change in the items produced and bought by Jacobites from propaganda to nostalgia and relic. By 1760 there were tartans for sale again in Edinburgh. The authorities seem to have been more interested in areas that they characterised as being particularly Jacobite which in general did not include those to the south and east of the 'Highland line', which according to the act ran roughly from Loch Leven to Loch Lomond. In 1751 the Aberdeen Journal reported that 'Donald M'Donald, from the Head of Glenshee, was imprisoned for wearing the Philabeg [kiltl, Tartan Coat, and Highland plaid: John Mackay ofStrathnaver was sent to prison for six months in Inverness for wearing 'a short tartan coat upon him and a highland plaid party collouried wrapt lously about him') He claimed ignorance of the act and said he had not got any other clothing however this was not considered to be a defence and he was sentenced to prison for six months. Some people dyed their bright tartans brown and continued to wear them, others just sewed up their kilts to produce a garment that looked very much like the petticoat breeches as worn by sailors. Sir John Campbell, 8th ofCawdor, was the MP for Nairnshire at the time of the Disarming act. He wrote to his factor at Cawdor: I have thought that the poor Highlanders who are distressed by wearing breeches might be very agreeably accommodated by wearing wide trousers like seamen, 2 3 74 Examples of portraits include Allan Ramsay, Hon. Francis Charteris and his wife, Lady Katharine Gordon, 1747-1748, and William Mosman, John Campbell, 1749. Coltman, 'PartyColoured Plaid', pp.182-216; R. Nicholson, 'From Ramsay's Flora MacDonald to Raebum's MacNab: The Use of Tartan as a Symbol of Identity', Textile History, 36:2, 2013, pp.146-167. Dunbar, Costume, p.54. STRIPPED OF OUR ARMS made of canvas or the like. Nankeen might be for the more genteel. But I would have the cut as short as the philabeg, and then they would be almost as good and yet be lawful.' There is a report, dated 23rd July, 1750, by Captain Henry Patton of Guise's Regiment which was stationed at the head of Loch Rannoch, stating: Nothing remarkable has occur'd since my Last, entire peace being establisho quite through the District, and I believe we shall have but little to do, before September the usual season for stealing of Cattle. This Moment the party at Kinloch Leven have brought me a Black belonging to Mr. Stewart of Appin, dressed in tartan Livery, turned up with yellow; and to-morrow I send him to the nearest Justice ofpeace. 5 This slave, called Oronoce was put in prison for 6 months for wearing tartan livery. Assuming the description of his coat is accurate then he was wearing 'lowland' clothes since a Highland coat would not be turned up to show its lining. Putting a slave in tartan livery does feel like a deliberate statement rather than simply not being able to afford new clothes however it was Oronoce who suffered. More evidence that elite men were not punished for breaking this law. In the 1750's the Prince was depicted on drinking glasses wearing tartan and later little pieces of tartan worn by him achieve almost the status of secular relics. In the 1760s the satirical character of a Scotsman on the make from the Highlands was still described as giving up his tartan plaid and blue bonnet for an 'English' coat and laced hat; philabeg and short hose, for breeches and silk stockings. In the late 1760s, Thomas Pennant in Inverness describes Highlanders as wearing the fillabeg 'a short petticoat reaching only the knee and is a modern substitute for the lower part of the plaid:6 By the time Dr Johnston was in Scotland in the 1770s wrote that the law by which the highlanders had been obliged to change their dress had been obeyed however that 'the filibeg or lower garment, is still very common, and bonnet almost universal, but their attire is such as produces, in a sufficient degree, the effect intended by the law'.' In the 1780s after the repeal of the Proscription Act, Wilson's of Bannockburn also began to sell tartan to the Highlands; before this date they had sold tartan mostly to military customers and in the lowlands. The effect of the Proscription Act, combined with better transport which allowed more goods from the burgeoning Industrial Revolution, meant that by the end of the century that it was uncommon for tartan to be produced in the Highlands. Wilson's records from this time show that numbers as opposed to names were often the preferred method of telling patterns apart. Family or clan names were uncommon and place names 4 5 6 7 Quoted in Dunbar. Cos/ume. p.52. J. Allardyce. His/orical Papers rela/ing /0 /he Jacobi/e Period 1699-1750 (New Spalding Club: Aberdeen. 1895). Vol 2. p.182. Dunbar. Cos/ume. p.56. Dunbar. Cos/lime. p.57. 75 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID were more frequent on patterns logically enough which are today known as district tartans. s By the beginning of the 19th century tartan and Highland dress had come to be seen as universally Scottish rather than Highland. The Jacobite threat was gone, and Highland dress was most commonly associated with the army since soldiers had been allowed to wear Highland dress throughout the period of proscription. Tartan had become the cloth of the establishment. It was also codified in way it never had been before, the Highland Society of London had encouraged clan chiefs to send them a sample of the tartan associated with their clan and this along with Wilson's responsiveness to customer demand led to the development of clan tartans in the form we recognise today. 9 More were developed after 1822 and the visit of King George to Scotland which led to a revival of tartan as a fashionable fabric. Although the Statistical Account in the 1790s carries some accounts of older people in particular continuing to wear highland dress every day, many people had by this time given it up. Highland dress had ceased to be in any meaningful way, the everyday dress of the Highlands and had instead become a costume for the whole of Scotland. 8 9 76 S. Tuckett. 'Reassessing the romance: tartan as a popular commodity. c.I770·1830·. Scollish Historical Rel·iew. 95(2). 2016. p.82·202. Pentland. '''We Speak for the Ready· ... pp.64-95: A. Quye et al.. 'An historical and analytical study of red. pink. green and yellow colours in quality 18th and early 19th century Scottish tartans'. Dyes in History & Archaeology. 19.2003. pp.I-12. Notes on the Plates Plate 1 Charles Edward Stuart & a Volunteer of the Prince's Lifeguard A Prince Charles Edward Stuart An eyewitness in Edinburgh described the Prince as 'wearing a laced blue coat, laced red small clothes and a gold laced cocked hat with a feathers and a white cockade' as he is depicted here. He also wears a silver hilted sword, most probably the one he was given by the Duke of Perth in 1741 and, as was his custom when wearing Lowland clothes, the Order of the Garter. The Prince looks like a European prince or officer, rather than the Highland chieftain he portrayed himself as elsewhere, or the common captain that he often dressed as whilst on campaign as part of his careful strategy to present himself both as the chief of chiefs and as the rightful heir to the throne of Great Britain and Ireland. B Volunteer, Prince's Lifeguard This man is based on a number of accounts of the Prince's Lifeguard. Trial depositions for an English volunteer, James Bradshaw, describe him wearing 'long blue clothes turned up with red and a shoulder belt mounted with tartan with a white cockade' on his hat. It seems likely that the shoulder belts were carbine belts since it was the contemporary practice to have ornamented carbine belts in the household cavalry in both the French and British armies; since the Prince was seeking to build a European army it is likely that he followed this custom. The blue coats turned up with red were most likely provided by the French since there are no accounts of them being made in Scotland. Plate 2 Officer and two men in Highland dress A Highland Officer The officer, like many of the officers in the Jacobite army, regardless of which regiment whether Highland or Lowland, is wearing Highland clothing, He has on a short coat, the tartan for which is based on a portrait of James Moray of Abercairney which was painted around 1739, the warp and weft of which is typical of tartans of the period. The coat has velvet cuffs; coloured cuffs, 77 BETTER IS THE PROUD PLAID white, gold, or silver lace, and velvet were common amongst the officers and elite men of the period, as can be seem with the picture of the extant coat illustrated elsewhere. In trial depositions, Lord Macleod is described as walking with his father in the streets of Perth, dressed in Highland habit, turned up and collared with green velvet. The officer's plaid and trews, as was common, do not match the other tartans that he is wearing. The sett of his trews is much simpler than that on the jacket or the plaid. As an officer he is carrying a basket hilted broad sword as well as a pistol and a firelock, a Ml728 B & C Highland Soldiers The men are wearing belted plaids, their plaids are blue in colour rather than higher- status red and their jackets are plain cloth, probably wadmal. One of the men's waistcoats can be seen under his coat. The large gap between the end of their belted plaids and the beginning of their short hose can be seen. Both men have guns with bayonets and one is carrying a pistol. Many of the Pencuik sketches show men with bayonets fixed since they did not have any means of carrying them other than on their guns, which represent some of the thousands of French or Spanish firelocks that made it through the naval blockade. Plate 3 Manchester Regiment, Lowland Volunteer, & Camp Follower A Manchester Regiment Andrew Henderson described the ordinary men of the regiment at the time as wearing blue clothes, hangers, a plaid sash, and a white cockade. These are likely to have been the same coats probably provided by the French as worn the Prince's lifeguards hence the red cuffs here. He wears his own clothes underneath the coat, a pair of leather breeches, a white waistcoat, a black linen stock, and knitted stockings. He is carrying a firelock and a hanger. In addition to the plaid sashes that all the men appear to have worn, many of the men in the Manchester Regiment wore plaid waistcoats. Thomas Siddal was described in trail depositions as wearing a 'gold laced waistcoat, laced hat and white cockade'. B Lowland Volunteer Many of the men from the Lowland regiments remained in their own clothing. The volunteer here is wearing the duller colours of Lowland clothing, brown and grey being the most common colour choices for working men, and carrying a firelock with a bayonet. A blue knitted bonnet sits flat on his head - Lowland bonnets were often slightly larger than Highland ones - and he has a white Jacobite cockade as well as a tartan sash to comply with the Prince's wishes that every member of the Jacobite army wore an item of tartan clothing. Tartan used here as a uniform. 78 STRIPPED OF OUR ARMS C Female Camp Follower. One of'the highland wifies' described by Pat rick Crichton, wearing an arisaid, the female version of the plaid worn as an outdoor garment, generally pulled over the head and allowed to drape over one arm. Her arisaid has slipped off her head here. Arisaids as Burt described were frequently striped rather than checked like a male plaid. They were smaller than the belted plaid at 'two breadths wide, and three yards in length'; She is also wearing a linen gown (as the Prince did to be Betty Burke, although his had more decoration on it), a cap, and a French-influenced apron. 79 Bibliography Archival Sources National Library of Scotland NLS MS 3142 NLS MS 3787 NLS MSI7523 Perth & Kinross Archives B59/30/72 Contemporary Newspapers Birmingham Gazette, 1746 Caledonian Mercury, 1745 & 1745 London Evening Post, 2-5 November 1745 and 20-22 September 1763 Newcastle Courant, 1745 &1746 Penny London Post or The Morning Advertiser, 1745 & 1746 Scots Magazine, 1745 & 1746, St. Jamess Evening Post 7-9 January 1746 Printed Primary Sources Allardyce, J (ed), Historical Papers Relating to the Jacobite Period 1699-1759 (Aberdeen: New Spalding Club 1895) Anon. The Highlander delineated: Or the character. customs. and manners of the highlanders: chiefly collected from the celebrated Scotch historians. George Buchanan, and Mr. Drummond of Hawthornden (London: ) Roberts. 1745) Anon, A Journey Through Part of England and Scotland Along with the Army (London: T.Osbourne, 1747) Anon. A short history of the Highland Regiments. Interspersed with some occasional observations to the present state of the country (London: Jacob Robinson, 1743) Anon. Recueil de toutes les troupes qui formentles armees fran~oises dessim' et illumim! dapres nature (Nuremberg: Raspe. 1761) Anon, An authentick narrative of the whole proceedings of the court at St. Margarets Hill, Southwark, in the months of June. July and August. 1746 (London: B. Cole, 1746) Atholl. J. Stewart-Murray, Duke of. Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine families (Edinburgh: Ballantyne Press. 1908) Black, R., To the Hebrides: Samuel Johnsons Journey to the Western Islands and James Boswells Journal of a Tour (Edinburgh. 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J.• The Dress of the Common People (London: Yale University Press. 2007) Sumner. N .• 'Laoidh an Tailleir 'The Ballad of the Tailor': Sartorial Satire and Social Change' in A. Ahlqvist and P. O'Neill (eds.). Eighteenth-Century Scotland, Celts and their Cultures at Home and Abroad (Sydney: University of Sydney. 2013). pp.327-347 Tuckett. S.• 'National Dress. Gender and Scotland: 1745-1822; Textile History. 40:2. 2013. pp.140151 84 BIBLIOGRAPHY Tuckett. S.• 'Reassessing the romance: tartan as a popular commodity. c.I770-1830: Scottish Historical Review. 95(2).2016, pp.182-202 Whitelaw. C. 'Notes on Swords with signed basket hilts by Glasgow & Stirling makers', Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society. 8(4). new series. 1934. pp.15-38 Whitelaw, C. 'The Origin and Development of The Highland Dirk', Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society. New Series. 5. no. I. 1905. pp.32-42 Wi!cox, D.• 'Scottish Late Seventeenth Century Male Clothing (Part 2): The Barrock Estate Clothing Finds Described: Costume. vo151. no. 1.2017. pp.28-53 Williams. D.• Farmer. ). and Galton. S.• 'The Reality of Gun Making for the Board of Ordnance in the Mid-18th Century', Arms & Armour, 7:2.2010. pp.1l9-141 85 Titles in the From Reason to Revolution 1721-1815 Series No I Lobositz to Leuthen. Horace St Paul and the Campaigns of the Austrian Army in the Seven Years War 1756-57 Translated with additional materials by No 13 The Veteran or 40 Years' Service in the British Army. The Scurrilous Recollections of Paymaster John Harley 47th Foot - 1798-1838 John Harley, with notes Neil Cogswell (ISBN 978-1-911096-67 -2) and commentary by Gareth Glover (ISBN 978-1-912390-25-0) (paperback) No 2 Glories to Useless Heroism. The Seven Years War in North America from the French journals of Comte Maures de Malartic, 1755-1760 William Raffle (ISBN 978-1-1911512-19-6) (paperback) No 3 Reminiscences 1808-1815 Under Wellington. The Peninsular and Waterloo Memoirs of William Hay William Hay William Hay with notes and commentary by No 14 Narrative of the Eventful Life of Thomas Jackson. Militiaman and Coldstream Sergeant, 1803-15 Thomas Jackson, with notes and commentary by Eamonn O'Keeft"e (ISBN 978-1-912390-12-0) (paperback) No.IS For Orange and the States. The Army of the Dutch Republic 1713-1772. Part I: Infantry Andrew Bamford (ISBN 978-1-1911512-32-5) Marc Geerdinck-Schaftenaar (ISBN 978-1-911512-15-8)' No 4 Far Distant Ships. The Royal Navy and the Blockade of Brest 1793-1815 Quintin Barry No 16 Men Who Are Determined to be Free. The American Assault on Stony Point, 15 July 1779 (ISBN 978-1-1911512-14-1) David C. Bonk (ISBN 978-1-912174-84-3)' No S Godoys Army. Spanish Regiments and Uniforms from the Estado Militar of 1800 Charles Esdaile and No 17 Next to Wellington: General Sir George Murray. The Story of a Scottish Soldier and Statesman, Wellingtons Quartermaster General John Harding-Edgar Alan Perry (ISBN 978-1-911512-65-3) (paperback) No 6 On Gladsmuir Shall the Battle Be! The Battle of Prestonpans 1745 Arran Johnston (ISBN 978-1-911512-83-7) No 7 The French Army of the Orient 1798-1801. Napoleons Beloved 'Egyptians' Yves Martin (ISBN 978-1-911512-71-4)' No 8 The Autobiography, or Narrative of a Soldier. The Peninsular War Memoirs of William Brown of the 45th Foot William Brown with notes and commentary by Steve Brown (ISBN 978-1-911511-94-3) (paperback) No 9 Recollections from the Ranks. Three Russian Soldiers' Autobiographies from the Napoleonic Wars (ISBN 978-1-912390-13-7) No 18 Between Scylla and Charybdis. The Army of Elector Friedrich August of Saxony 1733-1763. Part I: Staff and Cavalry Marco Pagan (ISBN 978-1-912174-89-8)' No 19 The Secret Expedition: The Anglo-Russian Invasion of Holland 1799 Geert van Uythoven (ISBN 978-1-912390-20-5) No 20 'We Are Accustomed to do our Duty' German Auxiliaries with the British Army 1793- 95 Paul Demet (ISBN 978-1-911174-96-6) Translated and annotated by Darrin Boland No 21 With the Guards in Flanders. The Diary of Captain Roger Morris 1793-95 Peter Harington (ISBN 978-1-912174-18-8) (paperback) (ISBN 978-1-911628-15-6) (paperback) No 10 By Fire and Bayonet. Greys West In dies Campaign of 1794 Steve Brown (ISBN 978-1-911512-60-8) No 22 The British Army in Egypt 1801. An Underrated Army Comes of Age Ca role Divall (ISBN 978-1-911618-17-0)' No II OlmUtz to Torgau. Horace St Paul and the Campaigns of the Austrian Army in the Seven Years War 1758-60 Translated with additional materials by No 23 Better is the Proud Plaid. The Clothing, Weapons, and Accoutrements of the Jacobites in the '45 Neil Cogswell (ISBN 978-1-911512-72-1) No 12 Murats Army. The Army of the Kingdom of Naples 1806-1815 Digby Smith (ISBN 978-1-912390-09-0) Jenn Scot! (ISBN ISBN 978-1-911618-16-3)' No 24 The Lilies and the Thistle. French Troops in the Jacobite '45 Andrew Bamford (ISBN 978-1-911628-17-0)' (paperback) • indicates 'Falconet' format paperbacks, page size 248mm x 180 mm, with high visual content including colour plates; other titles are hardback monographs unless otherwise noted.
