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Лявданский А.К. Функции частицы qa в иудейском вавилонском арамейском

The particle qā and the use of participles in
Jewish Babylonian Aramaic
Алексей Лявданский, ИВКА РГГУ
XXIV Meждународная конференция по иудаике, 31 января 2017 г.
Breuer Y. The Function of the particle Qa in the Aramaic of the
Babylonian Talmud // Lĕšonénu 60 (1997) 73–94 [in Hebrew]
Morgenstern M. Studies in Jewish Babylonian Aramaic: Based upon
Early Eastern Manuscripts, Winona Lake, 2011.
Khan G. Indicative markers in North Eastern Neo-Aramaic // M. Moriggi
(ed.), XII Incontro Italiano di Linguistica Camito-semitica (Afroasiatica).
Atti, 2007.
Heinrichs, W. Peculiarities of the verbal system of Senāya within the
framework of North Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) // Festschrift für Otto
Jastrow zum 60. Geburtsag, Wiesbaden, 2002.
Historical development of the qā forms
*qāʔim qātil (cf. JPA)
qā qātil (JBA, EEMss)
qāqātil (Standard JBA)
k(i)-qatil (North Eastern Neo-Aramaic)
qā > kā
DJBA 549
Bar Hebraeus (XIII c.) apud Heinrichs 2002:249
Functions of qā in JBA
Iterative/habitual: qātil
Durative/progressive: qā-qātil
Functions of k(i)- in NENA
Jewish Bokan and Sanandaj
Breuer’s innovation (1997)
Breuer 1997 argues that qa-participle indicates “an action that occurred in
the past whose ramifications were still relevant at the time of utterance”.
“Breuer argues that this second use of the participle derived from the first”.
Deficiencies of Breuer’s approach
1) It is not enough to explore only the instances of qā in
order to understand its function. The function of qā
should be formulated within the framework of all
functions of the participle.
2) There is no differentiation in verbal types
(Aktionsarten): different classes of verbs behave
differently: f.e. stative verbs vs. dynamic verbs.
Stative verbs
DJBA 545